Ireland in pre-Celtic times

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«< i it-:KAK\

v OF C

IRELAND

IN PRE-CELTIC

TIMES

BY

R. A. S. MACALISTER, Litt.D., F.S.A.

PROFESSOR OF CELTIC ARCHAEOLOGY, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN

MAUNSEL AND ROBERTS, LIMITED
DUBLIN AND LONDON. 1921

Printed by Maunsel c% Roberts, Ltd., Dublin

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

INTRODUCTION ix

I. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF IRISH ARCHAEOLOGY I

II. AN OUTLINE OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND ETHNO-
LOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND 19

III. THE STONE AGE 52

IV. THE BRONZE AGE III
V. POTTERY 196

VI. ORNAMENT AND SYMBOLISM 217

VII. SOCIAL ORGANISATION 236

VIII. DWELLINGS AND FORTIFICATIONS 255

IX. RELIGION 282

X. THE DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD 308

INDEX 365

2060787 '

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FIG. PAGE

1. CURVES OF CEPHALIC INDICES 35

2. A COMPOSITE OF ALL THE CURVES IN FIG. I 39

3. CAMPIGNIAN CHISEL-AXES FROM PORT RUIS 85

4. FLINT CORE 86

5. SPECIMEN OF A FLINT FLAKE 87

6. FLINT FLAKE WITH HANDLE OF MOSS

7. FLINT BORERS FOUND IN OR NEAR THE RIVER BANNA

8. SA, SB, 9. VARIOUS FORMS OF SCRAPERS 89-92

10. FLINT SAWS 93

11. 1 1 A. FLINT DAGGERS 93"~94

12. TYPES OF ARROW AND JAVELIN HEADS 95

13. ARROW-HEAD IN THE ORIGINAL SHAFT 96

14. UNFINISHED ARROW-HEAD 97

15. HAMMERSTONES 97

1 6. ANVIL STONE 98

17. FABRICATOR 99

1 8. TYPES OF STONE CELTS, CHIPPED AND POLISHED IO2

19. CELT RETAINING ITS ORIGINAL HAFT 103

20. FLAT STONE CELT 104

21. TYPES OF MALLETS, MAULS, AND HAMMER-AXES 105

22. DIORITE AXE-HEAD, CUL MOR, CO. CARLOW 106

23. RUBBING STONE AND SADDLE QUERN 109

24. GRINDSTONE FROM CUL BAN, CO. ANTRIM HO

25. THE EVOLUTION OF THE BRONZE CELT 124

26. HAFTED PALSTAVE 126

27. HAFTED SOCKETED AXE 127

28. COPPER CELTS 130

29. MOULDS FOR CASTING COPPER CELTS 130

30. TRIANGULAR DAGGERS 133

31. ARCHER'S WRIST-GUARD 135

32. FLANGED AXE-HEADS 136

33. HALBERDS 137

34. LUNULA 139

35. MAP OF DISTRIBUTION OF LUNULAE 14!

36. GOLD ORNAMENT FROM THE BOG OF CUILLEANN 142

37. OAKEN BOX FOR HOLDING A LUNULA 143

38. PALSTAVE 144

39. HAFTED DAGGERS H5

vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FIG. PAGE

40. EVOLUTION OF THE SOCKETED SPEAR-HEAD FROM THE

ARRETON DOWN DAGGER 146

41. SOCKETED DAGGER 146

42. MOULDS 147

43. 43A. TORQUES 149, 150

44. THE STRANGFORD LOCH HOARD 152

45. SOCKETED SPEAR-HEADS 155

46. MOULDS FOR CASTING SOCKETED SPEAR-HEADS 156

47. SPEAR-HEAD WITH THE L.OOPS UNSYMMETRICALLY PLACED 157

48. RAPIERS 158

49. FOURTH-PERIOD SWORDS l6o

50. HAFTED SWORDS l6l

51. SCABBARD TIPS AND MOUNTS 162

52. MOULD FOR CASTING SICKLES, COILL NA MADAIDH 163
52A. SICKLES 164

53. SOCKETED CELTS 165

54. 54A. FIFTH-PERIOD SPEAR-HEADS 167, 1 68

55. FIFTH-PERIOD SWORDS 1 68

56. RAZOR 169

57. GOLDSMITHS' HAMMERS, ANVILS, AND PUNCH 169

58. CHISELS AND LEATHER-CUTTER'S KNIFE 170

59. SHIELDS 171-173

60. 6l. THE AIRTHEAR MAIGHE HOARD 175, 176

62. 62A. CUPPED RINGS 177, 178

63. 63 A. GORGETS l8l, 182

64. " CUPPED RING " GORGET 183

65. GOLD SPHERES 183

66. GOLD DISCS 184

67. GOLD DISC FROM LEATH-TON 185

68. GOLD BEADS, EARRING, RINGS, ETC. 187

69. THE COMERFORD BOWL (SO-CALLED " CROWN ") 1 88

70. THE LOCH GAIR SPEAR-HEAD 189

71. AMBER BEADS 190

72. JET ORNAMENTS 192

73- STONE AGE POTTERY 196

74- SANDHILL POTTERY 198

75- COOKING POT FROM DUN DROMA 199
76. BOWL, WHITEPARK BAY 2OO
77- OUTLINES OF TYPES OF FOOD-VESSELS 203

78, 78A, 788, 78C. FOOD-VESSELS 2O7~2IO

79, OUTLINES OF TYPES OF CINERARY URNS 211

80, 80A, 80B. CINERARY URNS 212-214
8l; SHERD FROM MAGH CROMDHA 215

82. INCENSE CUPS 21 6

83. ALPHABET OF BRONZE AGE SYMBOLISM 222

84. SLAB AT CLUAIN FIONN-LOCHA 224

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS vii

FIG. PAGE

85. SCULPTURED STONE, LOCH CRAOIBHE 225

86. SCULPTURED STONE, NEW GRANGE 226

87. STONES AT CNOC BAINE AND CNOC NA SEAMAR 228

88. SCULPTURED STONE AT ATH AN CHARBAID 22Q

89. STANDING STONE AT CUAN AN BHAINBH 230

90. SCULPTURED STONE AT HOLLYWOOD 233

91. HEARTH EMBEDDED IN THE SAND AT TEARMON FEICHIN,

CO. LOUTH 258

92. EXTERIOR OF CLOCHAN NA CARRAIGE 259

93. INTERIOR OF CLOCHAN NA CARRAIGE 260

94. PLAN OF DUN EOGHANACHTA 268

95. PLAN OF DUN EOCHLA 2JO

96. PLAN OF DUN AONGHUSA 272
97- VIEW OF DUN AONGHUSA 274

98. PLAN OF MUC-SNAMH FORT 277

99. STONE CIRCLE, MUISIRE BEAG 294

100. THE HOLLYWOOD CIRCLE 294

101. STANDING STONE 30 1

102. " STATUE-MENHIR " AT CLOCHAR 3O2

103. ALIGNMENT 303

104. 1 04 A. VIEWS OF LEAC CON MIC RUIS 305, 306

105. PLAN OF LEAC CON MIC RUIS 307

106. OBJECTS FROM THE SEPULCHRAL CHAMBER AT CNOC

MARAIDHE 3 14

107. DOLMEN OF LIAG AN EANAIGH 316

108. DIAGRAM TO ILLUSTRATE THE CONSTRUCTION OF A DOLMEN 322

109. MARKS ON THE DOLMEN AT LEANAN 324

110. NORMAL DOLMEN 325

111. DOLMEN AT CEALL TIGHEARNAIN 327

112. THE MOUNT BROWNE DOLMEN 328

113. DOLMEN AT RUADH MOR 329

114. CARN AT DUBH-AIT 346

115. PLAN OF DUN RUADH 349

1 1 6. VIEW OF DUN RUADH 349

117. CHAMBER AT BAILE NA HAITE 352

1 1 8. BAETYLIC STONES, CEATHRAMHADH CAOL 354

119. MOLYNEUX'S PLAN OF NEW GRANGE, SHEWING STANDING

STONE AND BAETYLS 356

1 2O. CNOC NA RIAGHADH 360

121. BURIAL CHAMBER AT LOCH CRAOIBHE 361

122. PLAN AND SECTION OF NEW GRANGE 363

INTRODUCTION

The present volume contains the substance of a
course of public lectures delivered at University
College, Dublin, during the session 1915-6. They
have been to some extent re-written and re-arranged
for publication in permanent form, and expanded,
but not much beyond their original scope : the pur-
pose being rather to give the reader a general view
of the course of civilisation in Ireland than to bewilder
him with a multitude of details. It is hardly necessary
to say that no exhaustive treatment of the subject, or
of any part of it, could be presented within the limits
of a course of lectures ; still, it is hoped that the book
will be of service as an introduction to the study of
the antiquities of what is archaeologically one of the
most important countries in the world.

There have been previous attempts at compiling a
synthetic account of Irish antiquities. We have the
works of O 'Curry,1 Col. Wood-Martin,2 and Dr.
Joyce.3 Some apology is therefore needed for present-
ing another essay on the same subject. The main
fault which may be found with the books mentioned —
this is stated without any intention of detracting from
the merits which they possess — is the neglect of the
important subject of chronology. Thus, we read that
" the ancient Irish " did this or that, but we do not
learn whether they were the people of the Age of Stone
or of the Age of Iron — a question surely not wholly

1 Manuscript Materials of Ancient Irish History, Dublin, 1861,
reprinted 1873 : Manners and Customs oj the Ancient Irish, London,

1873-

2 Pagan Ireland, an archaeological sketch, London, 1895 : Traces
of the elder Faiths oj Ireland, London, 1902.

3 A Social History oj Ancient Ireland, London, 1903.

x INTRODUCTION

negligible. Or we have chapters on " stone objects,"
" gold ornaments," and the like, without any very
definite information as to their relative antiquity.
Again, we do not learn whether " the ancient Irish "
were unique in the manners, customs, and civilisation
described, or whether similar manners, customs, and
objects are found among other ancient races or tribes.
In other words, the books to which I have referred
fail to set the antiquities of Ireland in the light that
can be shed upon them by comparison with those of
other countries and other peoples.

In this work I have endeavoured to remedy these
defects, so far as I have found it possible to do so.
The whole scheme of the lectures was based on
chronology. As for the use of the " comparative
method," it is not implied that on every occasion
when an object is described some foreign object of the
same kind is set beside it. The point is that, through-
out, Ireland is considered, not as a solitary island,
but as an intrinsic part of Europe ; and its civilisation
is treated, not as an independent phenomenon, but
as a part of a much greater whole.1

Some will doubtless fall foul of me for my
treatment of the place-names, which I have so far
as possible endeavoured to print in their proper
Celtic forms, in the hope of exposing a grave injury
to historical and topographical science.

The phonetics of Irish and English are wholly in-
compatible. Sounds exist in the one language that
do not exist in the other. Irish orthography has
evolved a most ingenious method of representing,
with complete accuracy, by means of the fewest

1 The reader is strongly recommended to study Anderson's
Scotland in Pagan Times, series ii (Bronze and Stone Ages), simul-
taneously with the present volume. He will find there a wealth
of material for suggestive comparison. Ireland and Scotland
form one archaeological province.

INTRODUCTION xi

possible characters, the complex system of sounds in
the Irish language : and as the general principles of
the system of spelling can be learned by any intelligent
person in about half an hour, there is no excuse for
the mental inertia that refuses to acquire it. It follows
that to represent the names of places " phonetically,"
i.e., according to English ideas of orthography, is an
impossibility. They are, as a matter of fact, spelt
phonetically in their native dress : the so-called
" phonetic " spelling of the maps does not represent
the proper pronunciation at all, on any scheme of
interpretation of the characters.

In the Times Literary Supplement, 27 April 1916,
p. 201, Mr. Nevill Forbes, the eminent Russian
scholar, writing on the transcription of Russian names,
makes the following remarks, which mutatis mutandis
apply equally well to Irish names. Having spoken
of the Russian practice of writing foreign words
according to the principles of Russian spelling, he
says :

" The question then arises whether we can in our turn transcribe
Russian names phonetically in English, and the answer is undoubt-
edly and emphatically no. It may be urged against this that if
in other countries it can be done, it can be done here ; and if in
Russia English names can be spelt phonetically, as they are, there
is no reason why we should not retaliate. But the cases are on
totally different footings. The phonetics of English are so rich,
and English orthography is so anomalous, that phonetic spelling
of Russian names would lead (as attempts at it have already done)
to endless confusion, inaccuracy, and misinterpretation. Both in
French and in German there is less variety of vowel-sounds than
in English, and therefore less difficulty in the use of particular
conventional symbols to represent foreign sounds. For instance
in French, ou has only one value, and the sound it represents is
never rendered in any other way in French except by ou ; therefore
it is the only possible way of rendering the Russian w-vowel.
But in English this same M-vowel is habitually rendered in a variety
of ways, and again, each of the symbols by which this sound is
represented has other values, so that endless difficulties imme-
diately arise."

A few examples of the current perversions of Irish
place-names will illustrate these sensible words, and

xii INTRODUCTION

will serve as additional arguments for the course here
adopted. The least objection to them is their un-
earthly hideousness, as exemplified by monstrosities
like Coogaquid, Mulnasheefrog, and Buffanoky.
None of these spellings is more than a rough approxi-
mation to the proper pronunciation of the name ; the
delicate play of palatalized and unpalatalized (" slen-
der " and " broad ") consonants is wholly lost, though
it would be clear to anyone who had been through an
elementary Irish grammar, and who saw the words
in their proper forms — cuigeadh cuid (" fifth part "),
mullach na siodhbhrugh (''summit of the fairy palaces"),
and both feannoige (" hut of a scald-crow "). Some-
times the ear of the surveyor has led him yet farther
astray, as when he writes the absurd word " Carraway-
stick," to represent ceathramhadh istigh (" inner
quarter "). It is quite impossible to write these words
according to English phonetics without the use of
elaborate diacritic signs.1 Why, then, try to do so,
thus making a place ridiculous by calling it by a
ridiculous name ? Ceall (" church ") and coill
(" wood "), both very common initial elements in
Irish place-names, and sounding totally distinct from
one another, are lumped together inextricably under
the single form kill, which does not represent accu-
rately the pronunciation of either of them. Baile
(" a town " or "a steading ") becomes the ugly
" Bally " : this, again, bears only a remote resem-
blance to the real sound. Cnoc (" a hill ") becomes
needlessly lengthened into " knock " ; and this, by

irThe nearest I can get to represent the pronunciation of this
name, in " English " letters and without diacritics, is cyahroo
ishtyee : but the h is unlike the English h, the long u- vowel (oo)
is nasalised (as shown by the mh in the Irish spelling ; this cannot
be expressed in English spelling), and is followed by a slight w-like
sound (indicated by the adh) which does riot exist in English,
and is probably beyond the reach of most English throats. [The
current lazy and ugly trick of spelling verbal nouns without their
final letters (as ceartu for ceartughadh, or scri for scriobhadh) tends
to pervert the phonetics of the language by leaving this very cha-
racteristic sound unexpressed].

INTRODUCTION xiii

analogy with the English word of the same spelling,
loses the essential k sound with which it should
begin, and is pronounced nok. Cnoc buidhe (" the
yellow hill ") should be pronounced something like
k'mik bwee. The surveyor took this down as
" Knockbue " ; and now, if you want to go there,
I. understand that you have to ask for " Nokbyoo."
Coillte amach, " the outer woods," pronounced
something like kweeltye 'moch, with stress on the
'mock, is now spelt Kiltimagh : and accordingly is
pronounced " Kiltima," with stress on the first
syllable.

There is no system followed in these perversions.
Mullach garbh, " the rough summit," should not be
written any other way, and when you have taken
the trifling trouble of finding out what meaning is
attached to the various symbols, you know exactly
how to pronounce it. But this name appears at
random as Mullygarry, Mullaghgarve, Mullagarry,
Mullaghgarrow ; and not one of these forms accu-
rately represents the proper pronunciation. In other
names the word mullach appears as Mul, Mulla,
Mully, Mullagh, Molly, Molough, perfectly arbi-
trarily : never by any chance in the only correct
form, which alone expresses the pronunciation. This
is only one illustration of many such words that are
tortured at random into every possible form but the
right one ; the amount of unnecessary trouble thus
involved in looking up indexes can easily be imagined.
It is not merely that different places which happen
to have the same Irish name are spelt differently
for distinctive purposes ; there would be a certain
amount of sense in doing so. But one and the
same place is presented under a variety of guises,
all of them wrong.

Some of the corruptions are even worse, being
absolutely different from the real place-names. On
Inis Oirthear Arann 1 is an inlet of the sea called

1 A name spelt Inisheer on the maps, though it is always pro-
nounced Iniseer.

xiv INTRODUCTION

liag bhuidhe ("yellow flag-stone"). The surveyor
presumably noted this " Legewee " ; but the map-
drawer mistook the capital L in the field-book for
an S, and so this name appears on the maps as
" Segewee." On the great island of the same group
is a village called gort na gcapall, which gives no
difficulty in pronunciation when you understand
the meaning of the symbol gc. The map calls it
" Ourtnagopple." * At the west end of the same
island are two islets of rock, one called oiledn an
da bhrdnog (" the island of the two ravens "), and
the other an t-oiledn aedhearach (" the airy island ").
The latter is marked " Rock Island " on the map.
The other island (which is the larger of the two)
has no special name given to it ; but its native
name was understood to mean " island of two
' brannocks,' " and to refer to both islands ; so that
the little group appears as " The Brannock Islands "
on the map. These names are unknown to the
natives of the region around.

The objection that some people may make, that
the Irish names are inconveniently long, is easily
met. For in the maps of the Scottish Highlands
most of the Gaelic names are accurately rendered,
and no inconvenience is caused. The Irish maps
are, from a surveyor's point of view, so marvellously
accurate that it is surely a pity that they should be
so slipshod in this important matter.

Accordingly I have adopted the native spellings,
so far as they can be recovered — for it is to be feared
that many are corrupted beyond salvation — in the
present work. In such a reform there is no half-
way house, and the practice once begun must be
carried out consistently. I have, therefore, used
anglicised forms^only in speaking of towns of over

1 These examples have already exposed sufficiently the custom of
running two or more words into one Gargantuan compound. An
extreme case is "Coosfaddamoreennabinnia" on one of the Kerry
maps — a compound of six words.

INTRODUCTION xv

1,000 inhabitants as modern places (e.g., when speaking
of museums in Belfast or Dublin) ; and in quotations.
But when speaking of them as ancient sites I use
the native spelling (as in referring to the gravels of
Latharna, not Larne). Names ot English origin (as
Whitepark Bay) are, of course, used in their English
form, not translated ; and Scandinavian names like
Wexford (which are few in number, and can take
care of themselves) are used in their modern forms.
Another important exception is the county names,
which should always be given in their English forms.
For counties are an English innovation, and their
names, being usually derived from the anglicised
form of the chief town, have no meaning in Irish.

It may be said that logically I should carry the
process further ; that English names should be given
in their Saxon equivalents ; that if, for example, I
had any occasion to refer to Glastonbury, I ought
to write glcest-inga-byrig. This, of course, is not
analogous at all. I have not used ancient or
mediaeval Irish names, but the modern forms, in
modern spelling. What the current map names are,
may be understood by imagining that the Spanish
Armada had conquered England ; the Spanish rulers
might spell Hampshire " Xamchuy," and Howth
" Joce," and the English subjects, thus misled, call
them " Zamtshoo " and " Joass " !

Those who prefer them, will find the perverted
form of names mentioned in this book recorded in
the index.

A second series of lectures, delivered in the
Academic year 1916-7, which carries the archaeo-
logical history of the country through the Celtic
period, will follow : and I hope to complete the
work with a volume containing a classified biblio-
graphy of books and papers on Irish Archaeology.
This compilation will shew the reader where to look,

xvi INTRODUCTION

should he desire to extend his reading, in any of
the branches of the subject, further than they can
be treated within the limitations of a single volume.
As this bibliography is in contemplation, the
references to authorities given in the footnotes in
the present volume are perhaps fewer than they
would otherwise be.

The following abbreviations should be noticed : —

JRSAI=Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.
[This society had different names at different stages of its history,
but this abbreviation is employed for the whole series of its pub-
lications.]

PRIA= Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.

TRIA= Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy.

JAI= Journal of the Anthropological Institute.

UJA= Ulster Journal of Archaeology (first and second series
distinguished by I, II).

BNFC= Belfast Naturalist Field Club.

Other periodicals are quoted with sufficient fulness
to be easily recognisable.

I must not close without expressing my sincere
thanks to the Rev. Editors of the Irish Monthly for
offering the hospitality of their pages to these lectures,
and for the practical interest they have shewn in their
serial publication. It should perhaps be mentioned
that the volume before the reader is not a mere reprint
from the Irish Monthly. Illustrations have been added
and 'the text revised and enlarged throughout. I
must also thank the Councils of the Royal Irish
Academy and of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of
Ireland, for allowing me the use of numerous illus-
trations : also Messrs. Longmans for fig. (70) from
Sir J. Evans' Bronze Implements of Great Britain.

R. A. S. M.

CHAPTER I

A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF IRISH ARCHAEOLOGY

1. Archaeology in early Irish Literature. II. "Book Antiquaries"
and " Field Antiquaries." III. Sir James Ware. IV. Edward
Lhuyd. V. Sir Thomas Molyneux. VI. Charles Vallancey.
VII. Edward Ledwich. VIII. Sir William Betham. IX.
George Petrie. X. The Ordnance Survey. XI. John
O'Donovan. XII. Eugene O'Curry. XIII. The Royal Irish
Academy Museum. XIV. Sir William Wilde. XV. Other
Workers. XVI. The Importance of Irish Antiquities.

I. An interest in the past is a natural instinct of
humanity. There is no tribe, however low in the
social scale , that has not asked questions about how
the world has come to be, with the living things that
people it ; and that has not found answers which,
if artless and unscientific, at least satisfy the craving
for knowledge. Of this natural interest in the past,
Ireland affords a conspicuous example. The two
professions, the bardic and the druidic, were endowed
with many privileges, in virtue of their members
being the repositories of the popular traditions — in
the one case on the historical side, in the other on the
religious.

But, although the early Irish writers thus display
a deep interest in History, the conception of a science
of Archaeology does not seem to have entered their
heads. The ancient monuments of Ireland, which
are still conspicuous, must in the nature of things
have been yet more conspicuous in the middle ages ;
but we find few definite references to them in mediae-
val Irish literature.1 Not till the seventeenth century

1 This is not meant to imply that the Irish literature is not of
any service to the archaeologist : quite the contrary— a study of
Irish literature is absolutely essential for a proper comprehension
B

2 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

did people begin to open their eyes to the interest
of the actual remains of antiquity in the country.

II. We may divide those who have concerned
themselves with the study of the past of Ireland into
two classes, which we rriay call " book antiquaries "
and " field antiquaries " ; though this is not to be
taken as a hard-and-fast division, nor is it intended
to claim a superiority for either class over the other.
The book antiquaries, are those whose special work
lies among manuscripts — Colgan, the Four Masters,
Keating, Dubhaltach mac Fir Bisigh, Rudhraighe
6 Flaithbheartaigh, and the rest of the succession,
down to the eminent scholars of our own day. The
field antiquaries are those who study the tangible
remains of antiquity, be these the monuments scattered
through the country, or small objects in collections.
It is with the work of the latter that we shall be chiefly
concerned in the following pages ; but we cannot
afford wholly to neglect the province of the former.
Without a critical knowledge of the native records
the field worker is at sea, as may too often be illus-
trated from the pages of our antiquarian journals.
Without a knowledge of antiquities, and, above all,
a comparative knowledge of the antiquities of other
countries, the book antiquary becomes an unscien-
tific enthusiast of the O 'Curry type.

III. Among the students of the tangible remains
of antiquity in Ireland, the first name that meets us
is that of Sir James Ware. He was the son of the
secretary to Sir W. Fitzwilliam, the Lord Deputy,
born in Dublin in 1594. At Trinity College he made

of Irish antiquities, and vice versa. The two complement and
illumine each other at every step. But the references in Irish
literature throw light on antiquities rather by incidental mention or
allusion than by direct description. Thus, we have speculations
on Ogham writing, without a single reference to any existing
Ogham monument, which might have corroborated or refuted
those speculations. But, on the other hand, we have many indirect
allusions to Ogham writing which properly interpreted, are of the
greatest value.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 3

the acquaintance of Archbishop Ussher, who en-
couraged his archaeological tastes ; he likewise met
Dubhaltach mac Fir Bisigh, who taught him a certain
amount of Irish, though it does not appear that
he ever acquired enough to make him independent
of native scholars. He amassed a fine collection
of Irish Manuscripts, part of which is now in
the British Museum, and part in the Bodleian
Library. His works include— Inquiries into the
Antiquities of Ireland ; Annals of Ireland from the
first Conquest of the English : Commentaries on
the Prelates of Ireland, from the first Planting of
Christianity to the year 1665 : and a list of the
Writers of Ireland, from the fifth to the sixteenth
century. These works, though brief, testify to no
small amount of painstaking research, when the
absence of all library facilities is taken into account.

IV. The next important name is that of Edward
Lhuyd, born 1660, keeper of the Ashmolean Museum
at Oxford ; who, in 1698, set out on an extended
journey through Wales, Scotland, Ireland, Cornwall,
and Brittany, studying the Celtic languages : of
which he published grammars and vocabularies under
the title Archaeologia Britannica, vol. I (1707). The
second volume, which would have contained the
archaeological observations he is known to have made,
was never published ; this is the more unfortunate,
as his manuscript collections were destroyed in a
fire at a bookbinder's office early in the nineteenth
century. Only a few letters are preserved, which
show his power of making careful and accurate
observations.

V. Sir Thomas Molyneux was a practising physi-
cian in Dublin, interested in Natural Science. In
1725 he made his one contribution to archaeology,
in the shape of A Discourse concerning the Danish
Mounts, Forts, and Towers in Ireland, published as
the third part of Boate's Natural History of Ireland.
This seems to be the first contribution to the " Round
Tower controversy " : it contains observations on

4 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

the Ring-forts, and an important plan of New
Grange.

VI. Charles Vallancey was born at Windsor in
1721. In time he entered the Royal Engineers, and
in 1762 he became Engineer-in-Ordinary in Ireland ;
Lieutenant-General in 1798, and General in 1803.
His duties on the military survey of Ireland brought
him into contact with Irish antiquities. In these he
developed a keen interest ; but his total lack of
critical judgment, and the fatal gaps in his wide but
superficial knowledge, vitiated everything that he
wrote about his favourite subject. In 1770 he began
to issue his Collectanea de rebus hibernicis, which ran
till 1804, the series compising six volumes. It is a
series of essays, by Vallancey and others : the fruit
of the labours of a committee, of which Vallancey
was a leading spirit, established within the Royal
Dublin Society for the purpose of investigating Irish
antiquities. He also published other works, such as
An Essay on the Celtic Language, and an Ancient
History of Ireland proved from the Sanskrit Books.

It is easy to laugh at these productions, which in
the light of modern knowledge are truly absurd. A
smile comes unbidden when we read the solemn
pretentiousness with which Irish words are compared
to those in Hebrew, Chinese, Japanese, Kalmuck,
and other remote languages, or the assertions made
with ponderous but unauthoritative dogmatism about
Phoenicians, " Magogians ", Round Towers, Druids,
and all the rest of the shibboleths. But it is unfair
to ridicule men for not possessing knowledge which
in their time was inaccessible. They lived before the
decipherment of the Egyptian and Cuneiform in-
scriptions had revolutionised our conceptions of
Oriental history ; before the teachings of Geology,
of Anthropology in all its branches, of Philology,
had been scientifically formulated — even the history
of Gothic Architecture was unknown when they lived,
so that with the best intentions it would have been
impossible for Vallancey and his friends to perform

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 5

even a task so comparatively simple as the descrip-
tion of a mediaeval village church. When we re-
member the difficulties of travel, and the disturbed
state of the country, to say nothing of the non-existence
of such aids as trustworthy maps and the art of photo-
graphy, which are freely at our disposal, we are bound
to admit that in the mere amassing of materials the
authors of the Collectanea set an example of industry
that must go far to excuse them, if in their unavoid-
able ignorance of present-day knowledge they often
went astray. Their absurd notions about the Round
Towers, for example, should not blind us to the
significant fact that at a time when there were no
guide books or other books of reference, no maps,
no penny postage, no railways, no motor-cars, no
photography, none of the things which we have come
to consider essentials of research, these earnest
students had already explored the country sufficiently
to enable them to draw up an almost complete list
of those structures. With a little infusion of their
spirit we should by now have completed that crying
desideratum, a complete archaeological survey of the
country.

Indeed there is even yet a sad lack of a scientific
spirit in the study of antiquities in Ireland ; " Vallan-
ceyism " still preserves a certain vitality ; there seems
to be a notion current that anyone is entitled to " fool "
with antiquities in his spare time — if we may be
permitted the expressive colloquialism — and thereby
to acquire the right to call himself an " archaeo-
logist " ! The publications of our antiquarian journals,
even yet, occasionally contain stuff as bad as anything
to be found in the Collectanea. Here is an example,
selected at random, of the sort of thing that some-
times passes for archaeology : it was written not
thirty years ago, by one who had a considerable
reputation as a collector of Irish antiquities.1 Nearly
every possible mistake is made in these few words :

1 I suppress names and references.

6 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

nearly every point of importance is missed : and the
extract ends with a pointless outburst of " high-
faluting " which is merely irritating :

" The battle-axe [sic ; the object under description is a halberd],
though with little beauty to recommend it [what has this to do
with its scientific interest P]1 is yet the most interesting of all the
weapons found at ... It is apparently of pure copper [apparently !
Why did the author not get it analysed, and settle thisji-ital question
definitely ?] and, like those of the Firbolgs [sic] is round pointed
[whence comes this knowledge of what sort the weapons of the
Fir Bolg were ?] and of ruder construction than the sharp-pointed
weapons of the Tuatha de Danaans [sic]. It was attached to the
handle by massive rivets of the same material as itself ; of these
it originally had three, but only one is in situ. With its heavy
curved blade flattened to its edges [a not very intelligible description]
it is a formidable and destructive weapon, and takes us back to an
age long before the advent of Our Saviour, when the valleys and
hills of Sligo echoed back the war-cries of the opposing armies
who strove in deadly combat upon the historic plains of Moytura."

So long as the publication of fantastic effusions
like this is permitted, just so long are we bound to
withhold our mockery over the ashes of Charles
Vallancey.

VII. The Rev. Edward Ledwich may be called the
first of the iconoclastic school of Irish antiquaries.
To explain this term it may be said that there are
two kinds of meddlers in Irish archaeology, and it
is hard to tell which of them is the more mischievous.
The first kind (who are ardent members of one
political party) are full of the glories of Brian the
Brave, and of that dreamland time when Ireland,
as one of their own poets has said, was peopled by a
race " taller than Roman spears " — a condition of
things that could not be brought about, save by an
epidemic of acromegaly or some similar disease !
The other kind (who are rampant members of the

1 Students of archaeology should mark and learn this sentence
of the illustrious Dechelette — " L'interet scientifique des trou-
vailles archeologiques ne se mesure pas aux dimensions des objets,
non plus qu'a leur caractere artistique." Manuel d' archfologie,
II. 1293.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 7

opposite political party) are for ever chortling over
the savagery of the country down to the time of
Queen Elizabeth, the evidence for human sacrifices,
people going about without any clothes on, and so
forth. As is usually the case, there is an element of
truth in both ways of interpreting the evidence ;
but the exaggerations on both sides are so great that
the truth is completely hidden. On the one hand,
to resent all suggestions that Ireland, like every other
country, rose to civilisation from a savagery com-
parable with the most primitive to be seen in Africa
or in the South Sea Islands, is simply an indication
of childishness or of ignorance. On the other hand,
every attempt to deny or to belittle the great part
which Ireland played in religion, literature, and art
during the last decades of paganism and the first
centuries of Christianity can spring from nothing
less discreditable than prejudice or downright dis-
honesty.

Of the second class of critics, Edward Ledwich
was the pioneer. He was born in Dublin in 1738.
A bigoted Protestant, he evidently felt it his religious
duty to " barbarize " the past of Ireland as much as
he possibly could. His thesis was, that everything
in the country which indicated the least approach to
civilisation was the work of the Danes, who with him
became as great an obsession as did the Phoenicians
with Vallancey. It must in fairness be admitted that
his Antiquities of Ireland, published in 1790, is not
without its merits. It was a corrective to Vallan-
ceyite enthusiasms, and many of the author's remarks
are shrewd, and shew him to have been possessed of
some critical judgment. The faults of the book,
however, are more obvious than its virtues. There
is not a little disingenuousness in the way in which
facts are twisted to suit his theories and prejudices :
and the way in which he speaks of the religious faith
of those who happen to differ from him, though
doubtless in accordance with the intolerant spirit of
his time, is wholly indefensible.

8 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

VIII. Sir William Betham, at the beginning of the
nineteenth century, did valuable work in arranging
and cataloguing the records in Ulster's Office. Had
he confined his attentions to the genealogical and
heraldic subjects for which he was fitted he would
have left behind a greater name than he has actually
done. Unfortunately he meddled with the Phoeni-
cians and the Etruscans, and, like many a better man,
shipwrecked himself upon the rocks of those perilous
seas. His Etruria Celtica, along with O'Brien's
Round Towers and Keene's Towers and Temples of
Ancient Ireland — books of which this bare mention
will suffice — holds the foremost place among the
irredeemably insane books on Irish antiquities.

But here again we must withhold our laughter.
It is not so very long since people dug up one of the
most important mounds of Teamhair in search of
the Ark of the Covenant ; and since somebody or
other wrote a book to prove that Ireland was " Ur of
the Chaldees " !

IX. In the year 1789 was born George Petrie, the
first personality of permanent importance in Irish
archaeology. In pursuing his vocation as a landscape
painter, he soon became attracted to the interest of
Irish antiqujties, to the study of which he devoted
a large part of his life.

Petrie was born just when scientific order was
beginning to evolve, in several departments of learning,
out of the undisciplined theorising of the eighteenth
century ; and when the rapid progress of discovery
was stimulating students to greater exertions. His
work, though not perhaps so perfect as his more
enthusiastic eulogists suppose, shows clear evidence
of the influence of the new spirit. While not himself
an Irish scholar, he had at his side the leading Irish
scholar of his time, John O 'Donovan. Most of his
work was done before the Famine had made so de-
plorable a break with the old traditions, and had
swept away so much of the language and the music
and the memories of the old days.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 9

Of Petrie's archaeological essays, the first is his
History and Antiquities of Tara Hill : a very thorough
account of the site and of the literary evidence that
can be called upon to illuminate its problems. His
second work, the Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland,
published in 1845, *s better known. In this treatise
he disposed finally and for ever of the clouds of guess-
work that had accumulated about the Round Towers.
A collection of Christian Inscriptions in the Irish
Language was published after his death, but scarcely
enhances his reputation. An account of the Military
Architecture of Ireland still remains in MS., in the
custody of the Royal Irish Academy.

X. These essays are a fruit of the great Ordnance
Survey scheme of Captain Larcom. This enlightened
officer was appointed director of the Ordnance
Survey in 1828. In the plan which he drew up for
the work, it was proposed to accompany the maps of
each county with a memoir, describing its natural
resources and economical character, as well as its
historical and antiquarian monuments. Petrie was
appointed in 1833 to superintend the latter part of
the undertaking ; and he, with a committee that he
gathered round him, met daily in his Dublin house,
No. 21 Great Charles Street" Their duty was to
collect, from all available sources, details of the history
of the ground being surveyed, while one of their
number — usually O 'Donovan — accompanied the
surveyors, and wrote letters from the field, describing
the antiquities, place-names, and local legends. But
this magnificent enterprise was suddenly dropped,
on the alleged ground of expense, after only one of
the projected volumes had been issued. The whole
story of the inception, progress, and stoppage of the
scheme can be read in the extremely interesting
fourth chapter of a very interesting book — William
Stokes' Life of George Petrie (London, 1868). The
writer concludes his well- documented history with
the following noteworthy words : — " From a review
of the official objections to the continuance of the

io IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

work, and from considering the tenor of some of the
questions put by the Commissioners of Inquiry,
. . . it seems as if some strong, though concealed,
influence had been brought to bear on the Govern-
ment in reference to the danger of re-opening questions
of Irish local history. These one-sided views pre-
vailed, and the great undertaking, so earnestly desired
by all who wished for the future prosperity and
happiness of the country, was finally given up."

It is only right to add the comment that the sus-
pension of the work was in a sense a blessing in
disguise. For in the thirties of the last century the
times were not ripe for an archaeological survey of
Ireland, or of any other country. The principles of
archaeological observation have" to be acquired, like
any other science : and they had scarcely been for-
mulated at the time in question. Perusal of the letters
written, chiefly by John O 'Donovan, to the Archaeo-
logical Committee of the survey, shews how imperfect
the work would have been. Much is recorded which
is of the greatest possible value : but one of the most
surprising things about these letters is the enormous
quantity of important material which is passed over
in complete silence, and the helpless amateurishness
of much of the descriptive matter. The publication
of O 'Donovan's Ordnance Survey letters has often
been urged ; but to publish them without a complete
re-collation of the letters with the remains actually
to be seen in the fields would be a fatal error.

Now is the time for such a survey ; in fact, if it
be delayed much longer it will be too late. Increased
tillage, changing ideas, and many other causes are
proving fatal to the ancient monuments of Ireland ;
and if a record is to be kept of them for future
generations of scholars it must be begun at once.

But history repeats itself. In 1908 Royal Com-
missions were appointed to draw up complete lists of
the antiquities of England, Scotland, and Wales,
surveying each county systematically one by one ;
they have already issued sixteen splendid volumes.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES n

The prayers of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of
Ireland, and of the Royal Irish Academy, that a
similar commission should be appointed for Ireland,
were met with a direct refusal.

XI. John O 'Donovan was born at Ait an Tighe
Mhoir, Co. Kilkenny, in 1806 ; he was the fourth
son of a farmer in the county. At an early age he
became a hedge school-master. In 1826 he obtained
a post in the Record Office, and in 1829 ^n tne
Ordnance Survey. Thenceforward his life was
devoted unwaveringly to the elucidation of Irish
History, Topography, and Antiquities. Most of the
Ordnance Survey letters, mentioned above, which
are now deposited in the Royal Irish Academy Library,
are written in his own neat hand ; these fill thirty-
eight quarto volumes, with about 600 pages in each
volume ; besides which there are fifty-two boxes
of letters and documents of various kinds, a great
collection of extracts from printed books and manu-
scripts, and the field books, with the etymologies of
the Irish names — the last-mentioned preserved in
the Ordnance Survey Office. In addition to these
letters, he poured forth a constant stream of editions
of important texts, illuminated with notes drawn
from his unique knowledge of the country and of
the literary sources. In 1852 he received a commission
to edit the Ancient Laws of Ireland — a work impossible
to carry out adequately even yet, and doubly so in
O'Donovan's time ; a task that will never be within
the capacity of one man to accomplish, such enormous
knowledge does it require of philology, history, folk-
lore, law, and the development of social institutions.
O 'Donovan died without seeing any of the fruit of
his labours in these exacting texts.

XII. Eugene Curry — in* later life he restored the
patronymic prefix to his surname — was discovered
by Mr. Smith, of the publishing house of Hodges and
Smith, in the uncongenial office of warder in a lunatic
asylum. Brought up to Dublin, he had a career
parallel with that of O'Donovan, who married his

12 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

(O'Curry's) sister. In one respect he was more
fortunate than his colleague, for after many vicissi-
tudes he obtained the Professorship of Irish History
in the Catholic University of Ireland, so that his
labours secured him a regular income. His lectures
in the chair were published under the titles Manuscript
Materials of Ancient Irish History, and Manners and
Customs of the Ancient Irish — the latter brought out
in two volumes after his death, with a preliminary
volume by the editor, Dr. W. K. Sullivan. Though
antiquated by later discoveries, and by the scientific
development of the " comparative method," and
though vitiated by the author's engaging but un-
critical enthusiasms, these books, which form the
first serious attempt at a synthetic picture of ancient
Ireland, are still of considerable value, if used with
discretion.

XIII. This work of comparison between Irish
antiquities and the records in the manuscripts, a
work of which O 'Curry .was the pioneer, was made
possible by the collection of antiquities belonging
to the Royal Irish Academy, which is now deposited
in the Dublin National Museum. The Royal Irish
Academy was founded towards the end of the eight-
eenth century for the study of Science, Polite Litera-
ture, and Antiquities ; and it issued the first volume
of its Transactions in 1787. While the earlier volumes
of the publications of this venerable body are naturally
out of date, its records contain some of the most
valuable contributions to our subject that have been
made ; and its museum is the foundation-stone of
archaeological science in Ireland. The nucleus of
this collection was formed in the earliest days of the
Academy, and was augmented by the gift of a series
of weapons and implements presented by Frederik
VII, the learned and enlightened king of Denmark.
These were arranged by Petrie when he joined the
Academy, and he persuaded the body to augment
its cabinet by the purchase of one or two private
collections. He was enthusiastically seconded by

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 13

MacCullagh, the Professor of Natural Philosophy
in Dublin University (1809-1847), who bought for
the Academy the famous Cross of Cunga. Public
subscriptions were opened and liberally responded
to, at the end of the thirties, to secure the torques
found at Teamhair, and later to purchase the shrine
known as Domhnach Airgid. Petrie was himself
an enthusiastic collector, and his own hoard of anti-
quities went to swell the Academy's museum after
his death.

When we read of these and the like instances of
public spirit, nearly a hundred years ago, we are
tempted to say, " Were not the former times better
than these ? " In these latter days, thanks to the
selfish greed of collectors and dealers, valuable anti-
quities and manuscripts, which should be permanently
housed in some public institution, are leaving the
country, never to return.1

While we are on this subject, we must add that
the official preservation of antiquities, as at present
organised, can hardly be considered ideal. It consists
of (a) the scheduling of certain monuments of out-
standing importance for protection, and (b) the
administration of the law of treasure-trove. The
first is well and good so far as it goes : but it protects
only those structures which by their very conspic-
uousness have been most frequently described
and illustrated, and the loss of which, though deplor-
able enough, would not be the scientific calamity

1 On the very day when this page is receiving its final revision,
there comes the news that the hereditary keeper of a most important
ecclesiastical relic, one that by its very nature should be a national
possession, has sold it in London for a large sum : we refer to the
Clogdn Oir the Bell of St. Senan. By great good fortune Mr.
G. W. Panter, of Foxrock, Co. Dublin, has come forward to shew
that the tradition of public spirit is not wholly dead : for he has
bought the shrine to present it to the Royal Irish Academy's
collection. The magnitude of this service, however, does not
make the incident any less instructive or any less disquieting.
A public benefactor has bought the shrine, because its custodian
would have sold it out of the country.

i4 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

that the destruction of an unrecorded monument
always is ; and it neglects the smaller and less out-
standing remains, which by their " ordinariness "
are in reality the more important, in that they are
monuments of the normal life of the periods to which
they belong. The law of treasure-trove is entirely
misunderstood in the country. It is based on the
old mediaeval idea that unclaimed property belonged
to the Crowrn : and there is a notion current that
the Crown confiscates the treasure without recompense.
This, of course, is not the case. Objects of antiquity
acquired under the law of treasure-trove pass into
the custody of the Royal Irish Academy, and they
are thus preserved for the nation. That body
administers an annual grant, expressely allotted for
the purpose of adequately remunerating the finders.
The story that the objects are confiscated by the
Government or by its representatives is spread artifi-
cially by dealers and other sharks, whose purpose is
to secure the objects for themselves, that they may
pocket a profit upon them. The finder is thus
defrauded, and is put in the position of an offender
against the law ; the country is defrauded, for it is
more than probable that the dealer who thus acquires
antiquities will sell them abroad, or may even melt
them down : and science is defrauded, for as everyone
concerned in the transaction keeps his mouth shut,
the history and the circumstances of the find, which
constitute half its scientific value, are irrecoverable.

But what is really wanted is a specially appointed
Bureau of History and Archaeology, constituted to
deal with the whole subject, and with funds sufficient
to enable it to do so. In a country of the enormous
archaeological importance of Ireland, a civilised
government would have established such an office
long ago.

XIV. The Museum of the Royal Irish Academy
was made available for general study by Sir William
Wilde, who in the fifties of the nineteenth century
devoted the leisure of his busy professional life to

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 15

arranging it and preparing the published catalogue,
the first part of which appeared in 1857. Though in
many respects antiquated, " Wilde's Catalogue " is
still a standard work on Irish archaeology. It is far
more than a mere list of objects, for it includes illus-
trated dissertations on all types of antiquities
represented in the museum.

XV. Space would fail to tell at length of the work
of Bishop Graves (1812-1899), and of Sir Samuel
Ferguson (1810-1886), who devoted most of the time
which they spent on archaeology to the decipherment
of Ogham writing ; of Bishop Reeves (1815-1892),
the erudite ecclesiastical antiquary ; of J. H. Todd
(1805-1869), founder of the Irish Archaeological
Society, which helped and supported O 'Donovan ;
of Lord Dunraven, Margaret Stokes, Crofton Croker,
Kennedy, Du Noyer, Wakeman, Borlase, Joyce,
Coffey, to name but a few of the most prominent of
those who now rest from their labours.

And we must not forget that Dublin has not a
monopoly of archaeologists. A coterie in Cork
deserves mention. Its leading spirit was John Windele
(1801-1865), whose MS. collections, now housed in
the Royal Irish Academy Library, are of great topo-
graphical value, and whose hoard of Ogham stones
is in the Royal Irish Academy Museum. Kilkenny
too, has had its eager antiquaries, chief among whom
was the Rev. James Graves (1815-1886), who founded
the Kilkenny Archaeological Society (now the Royal
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland).

Ulster, also, has its archaeological " roll of honour."
But only a few of the soi-disant students of the subject
in the Northern Province have made contributions
of value to the science. Most of those who have there
paid attention to the subject have been nothing more
than enthusiastic collectors. It will easily be under-
stood that when a man devotes his leisure to amassing
hundreds and thousands of flint arrowheads (let us
say), and to doing the work of a museum clerk in
sorting and labelling them, he cannot expect to have

16 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

much time left for serious study. Indeed the rank
and file of collectors are an unmitigated curse to
archaeology. They import an element of commercial-
ism into the subject which is wholly to its detriment.
Their interests are limited to making their cabinets
fuller and richer than those of their rivals i1 in the
competition prices go up, and museums, which
have no resources but inelastic grants of money,
have to struggle against very unfair odds. And when
death claims the collector, his cabinet is auctioned
and dispersed to the four winds. Over and over
again have I read in papers on Irish antiquities such
words as these :— " I am happy to say this object is
in my possession." But the writer is now dead,
and where are his treasures ? A public museum is
the only legitimate place for important antiquities :
there is no harm in a student of the subject having
a few type specimens by him, but to make antiqui-
ties merely the sport of a collector is to degrade
them.

XVI. Ireland is unique among the countries of
Western Europe, in that it never fell under Roman
sway. In all the other lands the Romans came as a
destroying deluge, instituting the Pax Romano, at the
cost of all the interesting strivings after civilisation
that were budding forth when the Romans arrived to
submerge them. In Ireland alone can certain phases
of non-Romanised European culture be studied.
Others may be studied in Scandinavia : the two
countries supplement each other archaeologically,
and Irish and Scandinavian antiquities, Irish and
Icelandic literature, should be treated respectively
as parallel studies. The preservation of Irish antiqui-
ties, therefore, becomes, a duty which those responsible
owe, not merely to the nation, but to the world of

1 If anyone should read these strictures in a sceptical spirit,
may I refer him to a paper by Mr. W. J. Knowles on Ancient
Irish Beads and Amulets (JRSAI xv p. 522), and ask him to
mark, learn, and digest the revelations there contained ?

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 17

learning at large. And for two reasons the study of
Irish archaeology should be on the ordinary curriculum
of every school in the country, of every sort and
denomination. First, because it is by education
alone that we can secure the continued preservation
of the monuments. Secondly, because there is no
study more stimulating to the imagination, as anyone
can find for himself who enjoys the pleasure of
showing an intelligent child round a museum, and
watching the rapid development of his or her eager
interest in the antiquities there exhibited.

Yet the subject is, we might almost say, a thing
tabooed. It has to contend, on the one hand, with
a dull and short-sighted utilitarianism ; on the other
hand, with obscurantism born of political prejudices.
Consequently, thousands of children grow up in
the country who learn all sorts of things, but who
have never heard of Dun Aonghusa, poised on the
summit of its stupendous precipice : or of the lovely
Chapel of Cormac at Caiseal Mumhan : or of Cluain
maccu Nois and its sacred associations. Some time
ago I showed to a child-friend a few photographs
that I had taken on an archaeological tour. She
looked up from them, her eyes wide open with surprise,
and said — surely a blasting impeachment of oui
whole scheme of education — " I never knew before
that there was anything interesting in Ireland ! "

The disastrous consequences of this neglect are
only too apparent. Ancient traditional superstitions
were once potent in preserving the ancient monuments.
But those superstitions are dying fast ; and especially
since 1903, when the people began to acquire the
land, very serious damage has been done throughout
the country to the antiquities. No proper safeguards
were introduced into the Land Acts — certainly none
that cannot be easily circumvented — and unless
something intervenes to stay the damage, the world
will lose many of the lessons that Ireland, and Ireland
alone, can teach. The refusal of the Government
c

1 8 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

to aid in the archaeological survey of the country
makes the matter all the more serious.1

The signs of the times are not propitious. Strife,
international, political, social, is drowning the voices
of peace ; . and while madness is thus raging in the
world, nothing can be done. Dare we hope that
a saner generation will follow ours, to gather up the
fragments which remain, thatjiothing be lost ?

1 A visitor from Mars would naturally suppose that the empire
which rules over the greatest and most varied assortment of native
races has encouraged by special endowments the sciences of
ethnology and anthropology in all their branches : without a
thorough understanding of which it is impossible to rule native
races aright. He would probably make a good many mistakes
in his progress through our Gilbert-and-Sullivan world, but that
would be one of his worst.

CHAPTER II

AN OUTLINE OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND ETHNO-
LOGICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND

I. The'Development of Civilisation. II. The Stone Age in Ireland.
III. The Bronze Age in Ireland. IV. The Iron Age in Ireland.
V. The Romans and Ireland. ! !VI. ;The Introduction of
Christianity. VII. The Vikings. VIII. Romanesque Archi-
tecture. IX. The Population of Ireland : the native Traditions.
X. The Legend of Cesair. XI. The early post-diluvian Occu-
pations. XII. The Tuatha De Danann. XIII. The Children
of Mil. XIV. Criteria of Race. XV. The Races of Europe.
XVI. The Races of Ireland. XVII. The Evidence of Excava-
tion. XVIII. The Evidence of modern Population. XIX.
The Evidence of ancient Literature. XX. The native
Tradition in the light of scientific Research.

I. It will be well to begin our study with a pre-
liminary survey of the ground to be covered in the
work before us. Without such a preparation it might
be difficult for one, approaching the subject for the
first time, to see the wood for the multiplicity of trees
calling for attention as we proceed.

Civilisation in Ireland developed along the same
orderly lines of progress as have been proved, by the
scientific researches of the past century, to have been
followed over the greater part of the world. In the
beginning man sets forth on his long journey a savage,
ignorant of the nature of the surroundings amid which
he finds himself, and obliged to acquire even the
most elementary knowledge by a long and painful
process of experiments, trials, and errors. He knows
nothing of metals ; he must fight the wild and danger-
ous animals around him, or the beasts whose flesh
suppliesjiim with food, with rudelyfcfashioned weapons
of stone. In time he discovers the properties of
copper ; later he finds that he can harden this metal

19

20 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

by an admixture of tin, thus making bronze. Finally
he learns the treatment and the uses of iron, and so
he inaugurates the Iron Age, which is still in progress
over most of the earth.

This succession of ages, the Ages of Stone, Copper,
Bronze, and Iron, proved first for Denmark by the
clear-sighted archaeologists of that country, has been
shown to hold good for nearly all other countries,
in both the Old World and the New, whose ancient
remains have been studied. In a few places, owing
to special circumstances (as when colonists bring into
a stone-age island the sometimes doubtful blessings
of European civilisation) there is a disturbance of the
regular sequence ; but, these chance accidents apart,
the rule may be accepted as being practically of
universal application.

It will not be amiss, however, to repeat the warning
which has often been given against supposing that
there is an absolute chronology implied in this division
into Ages of the history of civilisation. It is not to
be understood that at a certain moment of time,
datable in centuries B.C., the world rolled out of the
Stone Age and thenceforth enjoyed the advantages
of Metal Age civilisation.1 The sequence denotes
a relative chronology, and indicates nothing more
than that certain objects assignable to the Bronze
Age, let us say, are older than certain other objects
from the same centre of civilisation, and assignable to
the Iron Age. The Bronze Age of any one country
may have been contemporary with the Stone Age of
another and with the Iron Age of a third. In other
words, the absolute chronology of the sequence of
ages, if it be determinable at all, must be determined
for each centre of civilisation independently.

1 In a sense this is true, inasmuch as there must have been a
moment when, somewhere in the world, an object of metal was
used for the first time. Before that moment the whole world was
in the Stone Age, and, if we look at the history of humanity as an
undivided whole, we can certainly say that after that moment
the world was in the metal age.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 21

Further research has enabled us to divide the Ages
of civilisation into subordinate Periods. Each fresh
discovery makes us realise more and more the enormous
duration of time which elapsed between the first
appearance of man on the earth and the first discovery
of metals. In the course of the Stone Age, races of
men, more diverse among themselves than are the
most extreme types of humanity now living, developed,
grew to maturity, and disappeared ; arts rose,
flourished, and died ; and cultural development
showed advances and retrogressions, wrhose stages
it is necessary to classify and to label in order to
understand their mutual relationship. The Stone
Age is primarily divided into two periods, called
respectively the Palaeolithic and the Neolithic, the
" Old Stone Period " and the " New." In the first
of these man was a hunter, and made his tools of
chipped flint ; in the second he was an agriculturist,
and made some of his tools of polished stone. In
recent years a preliminary period, the Eolithic or
" Stone-dawn Period " has been prefixed by many
" prehistorians " to the Palaeolithic. This has not
commanded universal acceptance ; the present is
not, however, the place to enter into that hotly-dis-
puted controversy. These periods are further sub-
divided into what we may term stages or sub-periods,
which are named after places where representative
remains have been discovered. Thus we have, among
others, the Chellean, Mousterian, and Solutrean
stages in the Palaeolithic Period ; named respectively
after Chelles-sur-Marne, Le Moustier, and Solutre.
These are places in France where objects typical of
the stages named after them have come to light.

The Bronze Age is also divided into periods, which
may be conveniently denoted by numbers ; five such
periods are generally recognised in the archaeology
of Northern Europe.

The Iron Age, properly speaking, extends down to
our own time ; and as it is improbable that anything
will hereafter be found to take the place of iron, it

22 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

may be expected to endure to the end. For conveni-
ence, however, the term is restricted in archaeological
discussion. We may divide the Iron Age of Europe,
in the fullest sense of the term, into four periods.
The first of these is called by the name of the village
of Hallstatt, near Salzburg, close to which has been
found a great cemetery belonging to the beginning
of the Iron Age, and containing typical objects. The
second, for a like reason, has been named after the
settlement of La Tene, on Lake Neuchatel. The
third period covers the time of Roman conquest and
domination over the greater part of Europe. The
fourth is the period of the decline of the Roman power
and the rise of Christianity ; and this leads by imper-
ceptible stages to the mediaeval and modern develop-
ments of European civilisation. In speaking of the
Iron Age of Europe, however, as a general rule it is
understood that the first two of these periods alone
are implied.

II. No certain traces of man older than the Neolithic
Period have been found in Ireland, so far as we can
say at present. This country appears to have had no
share in the remarkable developments of the physical
constitution and of the material civilisation of the
human race, witnessed by the Palaeolithic period in
Central Europe. It is not asserted that the discovery
of Palaeolithic remains in Ireland is an impossibility ;
but competent critics have preserved a sceptical
attitude with regard to all discoveries of Palaeolithic
remains in Ireland hitherto announced, and it is well
to follow their cautious example.

The beginning of the Neolithic Period, however,
finds man established on the sea-coast of the country,
living on molluscs, fish, and anything else that happens
to come in his way. The forest-clad interior, infested
as it is by wolves and other noxious beasts, remains
at first uninhabitable, or at least uninhabited.
Gradually, however, man penetrates inland, following
the rivers that afford highways into the heart of the
country. We can trace a continual advance in the

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 23

standard of living. The tools, at first the rudest
chips, are improved ; the craftsman gains more and
more technical skill, till his handiwork becomes a
real art. Wide acres of forest-land are cleared and
inhabited : society becomes organised, so that great
bodies of men can co-operate for a common purpose —
we can see the proof of this in the gigantic stone
monuments that they rear over their dead chieftains ;
and communication over sea is opened and maintained,
so that a way is made for the acquisition and adoption
of improvements in civilisation as they are introduced
elsewhere.

III. There is no reason to suppose that the Bronze
Age began any later in Ireland than in England.
Once it was introduced it ran a parallel course,
though with interesting local variations. The key to
the understanding of the history of the Bronze Age
in Ireland lies in the fact that she was at the time a
rich gold-producing country. Irish gold afforded
a commercial medium of exchange, which enabled
the natives to develop and push a trade with neighbour-
ing countries ; especially, no doubt, with the tin-
producing land of Cornwall, in order to procure an
essential material almost completely lacking in Ireland
itself.

IV. Save indirectly, the Hallstatt period of the
Iron Age was not represented in northern and western
Europe. A few isolated Hallstatt objects have been
found in this country, but they are mere exotics, or
" wanderers "J — like Oriental " curiosities " in a

1 " Wanderers " are a curious phenomenon in archaeology. I
have seen a Chinese knife which was dug up in a bog in Co. Done-
gal— probably dropped accidentally by some wayfarer. Vallancey
(Collectanea, vol iv, p. 71) describes and figures a bronze vase
found about two feet under the soil at Fan, Inis Eoghain (Co.
Donegal). This vessel came into my hands a short while ago,
and I had the pleasure of presenting it to the Royal Irish Academy.
It is Eastern Asiatic in origin : how Vallancey would have rejoiced
had he known this ! An Etruscan harpago, found in the bed of
a small stream at Saintfield, Co. Down, is now in the Royal Irish
Academy collection.

24 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

London drawingroom. While the Hallstatt culture
was dominant over eastern Europe, the north-west
of the Continent was still in the later stages of the
Bronze Age. The La Tene culture is the first whose
remains are actually indigenous to Ireland. Though
the number of the extant remains of the La Tene
period is comparatively small, this period was of the
greatest importance in the country. With the
knowledge of iron, and of the new developments of
art imported from Gaul, there came a knowledge of
the Roman alphabet ; and though vellum manuscripts
were as yet unknown, a small literate class was
developed, and these made shift to write down, on
wooden tablets or on some such materials, the sagas
and the legends till then transmitted orally by the
people or by their bards. It is to this period that we
must assign the beginning of the written history,
legal enactments, and rhapsodic poems that form
the basis of extant Irish literature.

V. The Romans did not think Ireland worth
conquering. Its fate trembled in the balance, it is
true, on one occasion, when a ruffianly Ulidian regiilns
came and besought the intervention of Agricola to
settle some dispute that he had with his neighbours.1
Fortunately Agricola had other things to do, and so
Ireland was preserved for science as one of the few
countries that remain to illustrate the development
of civilisation without direct influence from the Roman
Empire ; and thus to illuminate corners in European
history that are not lighted from any other source.
We have already seen that it is this fact which gives
Irish archaeology a far more than merely national
importance. •

VI. The conversion of Ireland to Christianity must
have been a gradual process, beginning at a very
early date. A strange legend tells us that the third-
century king Cormac mac Airt had submitted to
Christian teaching. However that may be — and the

1 Tacitus, Agricola, cap. 24.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 25

story is not altogether impossible — the art-motives
that had become associated with the Christian religion,
and with the instruments necessary for its rites,
became engrafted on the dominant La Tene style.
From this fusion sprang a marvellous decorative art,
advancing by sure and steady steps till its culmination
in the ninth and tenth centuries. This high develop-
ment must have been the result of a not inconsiderable
amount of peace and prosperity. Doubtless there
were clan faction-fights now and then, in which a
number of heads got broken ; and these are empha-
sised in the Annals with the same lack of a sense of
proportion as we see in our modern newspapers,
which fill columns with the details of a murder
committed by some otherwise unimportant person,
while they pass over with a brief paragraph the
triumph-work of a master painter or musician. This
defect must always be allowed for in reading the
Annals. But the mere fact that fine works of art
belonging to this period are in existence is in itself
sufficient proof that there was a measure of quietness
in the country, in spite of the stormy records of the
official histories.

VII. Such a peace and prosperity could not fail to
attract the attention of the Vikings. These greedy
pirates established themselves on the shores of Ireland,
sailed up her rivers, and plundered everything that
they could lay their hands upon. But the Vikings
were by no means mere pirates. They had their own
arts ; they were, indeed, an almost inexplicable
mixture of savagery and civilisation. Their settle-
ments at Duibhlinn and elsewhere enabled them to
impress their art-conventions on the native craftsmen ;
and from the admixture of the two there sprang once
more a hybrid style, which we may term Hiberno-
Scandinavian.

VIII. In architecture, the Romanesque style began
to creep into Ireland from the Continent, and during
the eleventh and twelfth centuries it was dominant
there as elsewhere in Northern Europe. Cormac's

26 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Chapel at Caiseal Mumhan, the finest perfect specimen
existing in the country, was built in 1127. The
cathedral of Cluain Fearta Breanainn was built about
1 1 66. Its wondrous doorway remains — the last
supreme effort at self-expression of the native Irish
art. Six years after this great work was accomplished
the age-long traditions were laid low, as with a scythe ;
cut off, abruptly and savagely, never to be recovered.
We are now to examine in detail, so far as our
limitations of space permit, -the relics on which are
based the history summarily sketched in the preceding
paragraphs.

IX. Before proceeding to this task, however, we
must consider an important question. Was this
development of culture the result of successive migra-
tions, each tribe as it arrived bringing into the country
its own contribution to civilisation ; or was Ireland
continuously peopled by one stock, who adopted,
from their over-sea neighbours, the various discoveries
and inventions whereby civilisation was from time to
time advanced ?

To this question the native traditions return a very
definite answer. They describe a long succession
of immigrations, asserting categorically their connexion
with the existing population of the country. It is,
of course, obvious that the details of these invasions
belong to the dreamland of folk-lore, and are not to
be taken as literal history. They are affected by the
imperfect geographical and scientific knowledge of
their time. They have, moreover, been evidently
worked up into their present form by Christian
compilers, who fitted them, by the methods of Pro-
crustes, into a scheme of chronology based on Biblical
indications. In some cases, indeed, the statements
of the native historians have proved to be mere adapta-
tions of tales told, with entirely different associations,
by Classical or by early Ecclesiastical writers.

But it is by no means to be inferred from this that

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 27

the testimony of the native traditions must be rejected
as valueless. On the contrary, when rightly inter-
preted, they make a very real contribution to the
problem before us. We therefore give here a short
abstract of what they tell us ; after which we shall
endeavour to determine upon what, if any, historical
basis their statements are founded, by setting them
in the light of the results of modern scientific research.

X. These traditions begin with vague tales of
antediluvian settlers. Some say that three fishermen,
blown by contrary winds from Spain, were the first
to set foot in Ireland : but the orthodox story is that
of Cesair, grand-daughter of Noah, who with fifty
maidens and three men came in a ship to seek in
Ireland a sanctuary from the Deluge. Ireland was
chosen, because being free from serpents and venomous
things, it might have been expected to escape the
divine curse. (There are at least two different myths
extant to account for the freedom of Ireland from
serpents : this story is independent of them both.)
However, even in Ireland the Flood found them out,
and they perished, forty days after their arrival.

We may pause here for a moment to notice what this
tale almost certainly is : for thereby we shall realise
more clearly the nature of the material at the
disposal of the old historians, and understand better
their methods of dealing with the traditions which
they have transmitted to us. It is fairly obvious
that this story was originally the pagan Irish version
of the almost universal Flood-saga. This saga,
wherever found, usually tells of the total destruction
of the world by a Deluge, and narrates the process
by which it was re-peopled. That such was the case
in the story before us is indicated by the disproportion-
ate number of men and women involved. Probably
the tale was originally of a rather savage nature, with
gross elements which the redactors have endeavoured
to tone down, though they have not been wholly
successful in eliminating them.

If we endeavour to " get inside " the early Christian

28 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

redactors of the traditional history, we shall under-
stand better their treatment of such a tale as that at
present before us. They had learnt it from their
nurses in childhood ; they had no reason to doubt
its substantial truth ; it was the more attractive, in
that it enabled them to begin the history of their
country at the earliest possible time. As the Flood
is the preface to the story of Israel, so the Flood
should be the preface to the story of Ireland. Naturally
they identified the Flood of the Cesair saga with the
Flood of Noah, and they connected the two sets of
dramatis personae by the device of turning Bith,
Cesair's father, into an otherwise unauthorised son
of the Biblical patriarch. It is possible that there was
some chance coincidence of name in the original
story which made this identification easy. They were
further obliged to modify the tale to suit their Christian
outlook. Doubtless it contained pagan and otherwise
objectionable elements which had to be excised.
The essential character which, on the hypothesis laid
down above, the tale originally bore — that of a myth
to explain the re-peopling of the earth — had to be
altered : it could not stand in the face of the Scriptural
assertion that all flesh had perished except the inmates
of the Ark. The redactors accordingly saved the
situation by making the people in the story of Cesair
wholly antediluvian.

This change plunged them into difficulties. The
question would then have arisen, how had Cesair and
her friends found a historian, if they had thus all
perished in the waters ? The redactors answered by
saying that Providence had resuscitated Finntan, one
of the three men in Cesair's company, and had
endowed him with a terrestrial immortality in order
that he might carry on the traditions of the past from
generation to generation. The naivete of this idea is
too preposterous to allow us to regard it as a mere
invention of the historians. No one who wished to
be taken seriously — and unquestionably our historians
were very much in earnest — would have ventured to

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 29

tell so silly a story unless something like it was in the
tale already. The Finntan of the original story,
before its editors tampered with it, must have been
a supernatural immortal being : and in all probability
the original tale informed its hearers that everyone
who possessed some desirable quality, or who belonged
to some especially favoured class, was descended from
this divine member of the group of progenitors.
As Cesair is daughter of Bith (" Cosmos "). Finntan
is son of Bochna (" Ocean "), and so may possibly
have been a sea-god.

It is important to notice that although for the
original purposes of the story the three men are
essential, yet they are not the leaders of the expedition.
The head and director of the invasion is a woman.
The significance of this fact we shall discuss at a
later stage of our study.

XI. After the Flood Ireland lay waste for a long
time, after which we hear of a succession of three
invasions, much resembling one another in their
general characteristics. The first of these is the
invasion of Partholon with his people, who after a
sojourn in the country perished of a plague. The
second is the invasion of Neimheadh, whose followers
suffered grievously at the hands of certain mysterious
sea-pirates called Fomhoraigh, and who in consequence
ultimately abandoned the country. The third is the
invasion of the Fir Bolg.1 These, we are told, were the
descendants of the children of Neimheadh, who had
escaped from Ireland to Greece, where they were
held in servitude. From this bondage they fled, and
returning to Ireland occupied it for a quarter of a
century.

These three invasion stories are probably all versions
of the one tale : they have obviously been redacted
by editors familiar with the narrative of the wanderings
of the children of Israel.

1 To be written thus : not " Firbolg." The plural " Firbolgs,"
often to be seen, is a barbarism : " Fir Bolg " is itself plural.

3o IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

XII. After the Fir Bolg came the Tuatha De
Danann, the1 " tribe of the goddess Danu." This
mysterious people were adepts in magic, and by their
arts they succeeded in dispossessing the Fir Bolg.
We are expressly told, however, that they did not
annihilate them, but that the descendants of those
earlier people still persisted in the country.

XIII. Finally came the children of Mil, the
" Milesians " of popular literature. These shewed
themselves yet stronger than the Tuatha De Danann,
both in magic and in prowess, and thus in their turn
they dispossessed them and compelled them to take
refuge in the fairy mounds throughout the country.
Thus did the children of Mil occupy Ireland, and
they will continue to do so, as certain of the pious old
chroniclers do not fail to add, usque ad finem mundi.

Such are the native traditions. Before we proceed
to examine into their meaning we must enquire
what modern science has to say about the peopling
of this or of any other country.

XIV. Mankind is scientifically divided into Races,
a term too often misused. It must be clearly under-
stood that Race depends simply and solely on physical
characteristics, and on psychical and temperamental
idiosyncrasies : the peculiarities with which a man is
born. It has nothing to do with religion, language,
political and social connexions or sympathies, or
with any other of the peculiarities which a man
acquires from his environment as he grows up. Two
brothers may lose their parents in infancy, and may
be adopted and brought up separately in surroundings
so diverse that when they meet in adult life they find

1 This people is often called " Danaans," which is misleading •
another current corruption is " Tuatha de Danaan," mis-spelling
the third word, and treating the second (which is really the
most important of the three) as though it were a French
preposition ! Unauthorised and indefensible hyphens are some-
times inserted between the words, and the monstrous plural
" Tuatha-de-danaans " evolved. Even writers who ought to know
better have not spared us such solecisms as " So-and-so was a
Tuatha-de-Danaan," or " Such-a-one was a Danaan king."

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 31

themselves differing in all these externals : but this
does not affect the unalterable fact that they belong
to the same race. A negro, who owing to some com-
bination of circumstances can speak nothing but
English, is no more a Teuton than is his cousin who
has stayed at home and can speak nothing but his
native tongue.

There are many criteria of Race, all of which have
to be taken into account if we are concerned with the
classification of mankind in general.1 But when we
are dealing with the racial affinities of the people of
Europe, these can for most practical purposes be
reduced to three : head-shape, colour of hair and
of eyes, and stature.

These characters are measure'd by certain scales,
and communities are racially classified according as
the average of their members tends to one or other of
the ends of these scales. This definition should be
noted. Measurements and observations of single
individuals tell us little about their racial affinities :
but measurements and observations of a number of
individuals sufficiently large to give us a trustworthy
average, tell us much about the racial affinities of the
community to which they belong. Ever since the
Stone Age the mixture of races has been advancing
steadily, so that it would be difficult, if not impossible,
to find anywhere a man who is an absolutely pure
representative of any given race. It is only by taking
a sufficient number of measurements to eliminate
from the average the effects of mixture and of indi-
vidual abnormalities that we can obtain results that
help us to classify a community : it is practically
impossible by physical^observations to classify a
casual individual.

Head-shape is measured by means of a figure called
the cephalic index. This figure expresses the breadth

1 The reader who is desirous of fuller information may be referred
to such easily accessible books as Deniker's Races of Man ; for
Europe, consult Ripley, The Races of Europe ; for the British
Islands, Beddoe, The Races of Britain.

32 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

of the head [measured with a pair of callipers between
the prominent points above the ears] as a percentage
of the length [measured from a point just above the
upper end of the nose to the most prominent point
at the back of the head]. In other words, the cephalic
index is the number obtained by the application of
the formula ^?g* x 100. Clearly, the greater the
length in proportion to the breadth, the less will be
the cephalic index ; a low index, therefore, implies
a long, narrow skull, and a high index a short, round
skull. The figures thus obtained are classified
according to various systems ; the simplest, which
omits subordinate divisions, is as follows : —

Short heads (brachycephalic) index above 80.

Medium heads (mesaticephalic) index between 80 and 75.

Long heads (dolichocephalic) index below 75.

Coloration depends principally on the pigment of
the hair, which ranges from black to light yellow,
and of the iris of the eye, which ranges from pale blue
to a very deep brown. The distinction of skin-colour,
which is the most obvious basis for a classification of
mankind, is not applicable to the sub-divisions of the
people of Europe, as all of these belong to the white-
skinned races. People who are dark are called
melanochrous (dark-complexioned) ; those tending
to be light are xanthochrous (fair-complexioned).

Measurements of stature and of head-shape can
be obtained from dead skeletons as well as from living
subjects : but the test of coloration cannot be applied
except to living persons : for the pigments of ancient
races we are dependent on the testimonies of con-
temporary writers. In using the evidence of ancient
writers we must always bear in mind their " personal
equations." A Roman writer accustomed to the
dark Italian complexions of his countrymen would
certainly be apt to exaggerate the fairness of a xantho-
chrous community. In like manner a member of a
short race will turn a tall-statured people into giants.

These racial criteria are not altogether unalterable.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 33

Under certain conditions of environment they tend
to become modified, though it takes a very large
number of generations to establish a modification
permanently. Coloration and stature are more subject
to change than is head-shape ; the latter, though
not immovably permanent, is much more stable,
and therefore is the more valuable.

XV. Now, when we apply these tests to the races
of Europe, we find that, with the exception of a few
small isolated communities here and there, they fall
into three racial divisions. The first, which is found
in the south of the Continent, and in its greatest
purity in Spain, is melanochrous, dolichocephalic,
and of medium stature and slight build : to this has
been given the name " Mediterranean Race." The
second, which has its seat in Central Europe, is
brachycephalic : it is melanochrous, but lighter than
the Mediterranean people ; and medium of stature,
but of stouter build than the southerners. This is
called the "Alpine Race." The third, the " Nordic,"
" Teutonic," or " Scandinavian " Race, inhabits the
north of the Continent ; it is dolichocephalic, xantho-
chrous, and of tall stature.

XVI. Turning now to Ireland, we find that there
are three sources of information open to us on the
subject of her population : the bones found in ancient
sites, especially graves ; the physical characteristics
of the modern inhabitants ; and the evidence of
ancient Irish literature.

XVII. Unfortunately the data as yet available
from the examination of grave deposits and other
ancient sites are of the scantiest. True, a considerable
number of ancient graves have been opened ; but
in the first place, the majority of the bodies found
have been cremated •; and, in the second, in too many
cases the excavation has been carried out either by
ignorant labourers dreaming of buried treasure, or
by equally ignorant and far more reprehensible
collectors, in search of curiosities for their cabinets.
Even when the excavation has been on a higher plane,

C2

34 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

there seems to be a fate against good ethnological
results being obtained. Sometimes in the temporary
absence of the excavators, roughs and idlers have
come and destroyed the skulls left lying about : in
one case the over-zealous investigations of the police
destroyed the bones which had been carefully put
aside for examination.1 And sometimes the excavators
have not deigned to give any information about the
bones turned up, and when they have done so, have
contented themselves with banalities such as " the
man to whom these bones belonged must have been
of great stature, and had excellent teeth."

The only extensive body of materials that I have
been able to find bearing on the subject is a collection
of crania unearthed in building a house in Ailesbury
Road, near Dublin, in 1881. Besides these, I can
discover nothing but isolated measurements of
individual bones, scattered through books and the
proceedings of societies.

i. The Ailesbury Road mound was described by
Dr. Frazer, a well-known collector of antiquities in
Dublin,2 who secured the skulls and other objects for
his collection. The accident of an interment of the
Viking period having been found in the same place
led him into flamboyant deductions about a massacre
by the Northmen having taken place, with lurid details
of barbarous cruelty. Thus, the skull of a person
apparently of weak intellect was found, into the orbits
of which some casual fragments of charcoal had been
washed : this suggested to the too imaginative investi-
gator the gruesome picture of an unfortunate imbecile
having his eyes burnt out. There is really no reason
to suppose that the heap of skeletons was anything
more romantic than a mediaeval plague-pit. However,
we must acknowledge Dr. Frazer's service in giving
us a tabulated list of the measurements of the skulls
which he obtained, 51 in number, as an appendix

1}RSAI, xi, 587.

2PRIA, xvi, 29, 116 : JRSAI, xxi, 391.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 35

(III

FIG. i. — CURVES OF CEPHALIC INDICES.

(i. Ara : 2. Garmna and Leitir Muilinn : 3. Carna and Magh Inis : 4. Inis B6 Finne and
InisEarca: 5. Skulls from Inis Bo Finne: 6. Cliara and Inis Tuirc : 7. Baile Cruaidh :
8. Muillead and Inis C<5 : 9. Ailesbury Road, Dublin.)

(The figures in brackets denote the numbers of persons on whose measurements the curves
are based).

36 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

to the Society of Antiquaries' paper referred to in
the footnote. From these measurements the curve
of cephalic indices (fig. i, No. 9) has been drawn.
Of the 42 skulls whose cephalic indices could be
determined, one was 70, three 73, two 74, seven 75,
five each 76, 77, 78, four 79, three 80, four 81, two 82,
and one 83. 1

2. A series of eleven skulls from Inis Bo Finne,
described by Dr. Haddon,2 have indices, one 75,
four 76, five 77, one 79. Two others were doubtful.
The curve will be found in fig. i, no. 5.

3. Dr. Haddon also describes a number of skulls
from old graveyards on Ara Mor ;3 of eleven skulls,
one is 73, four 74, two 75, three 76, and one 79.

4. John Grattan, of Belfast, one of the pioneers
of Irish craniology, described a number of skulls in
the Ulster Journal of Archaeology* Those noticed
in the first paper cited are of Danish origin, and
therefore are not relevant to our present purpose.
Those described in the second paper may be classified
as follows : —

(a) From Bronze Age interments at Baile na hAite (Giants' Ring),
Co. Down : two, indices 74 and 75.

(b) From a cist, probably Bronze Age, at Domhnach Mor, Co.
Tyrone : one. index 83.

(c) From an Iron Age tumulus at Mount Wilson, King's Co. :
eight, indices 75 (two), 77 (five), and 80 (one).

From various mediaeval and modern interments throughout
the country : one of 64 (imperfect : measurements untrustworthy),
one of 65 (abnormal), 72 (two), 73, 74 (seven), 75 (two), 76 (four),
77 (three), 78, 79, 81, 83 (three).

5. Haddon5 describes skulls from Oldbridge, Co.
Meath, and also from the Phoenix Park, and from Co.
Tyrone. The Oldbridge skull was found in a Bronze

1 It is to be understood that by " 70 " in this and similar lists
is to be understood a cephalic index lying between 69.5 and 70.5,
and so on for the other numbers.

ZPRIA, xix, 311.

*PRIA, xviii, 759.

* UJA I i, 198 ; vi, 27, 22 1.

5PRIA, xx, 572.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 37

Age interment : its index is 73.5. The Phoenix Park
crania were found in a Stone Age tumulus to be
described later ; their indices were, respectively,
71.6, 76.8, and 78.0. The Tyrone skull is the same
as that already mentioned (4b above) ; Dr. Haddon
gives the index as 83.5.

6. In the excavations of Bronze Age earns at
Ceathramhadh Caol, Co. Sligo,1 fragments of bones
and skulls were found from which some valuable
details were recovered, though they had been for the
greater part thoroughly burnt and broken into small
fragments. The cephalic index " hovered on the
limit between dolicho- and mesaticephaly, ranging
from 73 to 76."

The above does not claim to be a complete list of
the references I have collected. Space will not allow
it to be further extended here. The most important
are enumerated.2 But the subject of Irish craniology,
both ancient and modern, is as yet an almost untilled
field.

Since the researches of Thurnam and of Beddoe
it has been a commonplace of British ethnology that
these islands were peopled in the Stone Age by a race
characterised by dolichocephaly, in affinity with the
" Mediterranean Race " of ethnologists : and that
the Bronze culture was introduced into Great Britain
by a round-headed race, corresponding to the
" Alpine " stock. This round-headed race did not,
however, find its way into Ireland in any great numbers,
and the low cephalic indices of the skulls above
enumerated bear this out. From these measurements
we infer that the Bronze Age culture was introduced
into Ireland by trade rather than by conquest or
invasion, and that, until the process of contamination
began after the Anglo-Norman conquest, no brachy-
cephalic race found a footing in the country. This is
not the same as to say that no brachycephalic individuah

1 PRIA, xxix, C, 342.

2 Some further references are to be found in Haddon's papery
PRIA, xviii, 759.

38 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

existed in the country. That foreigners might find
their way to the country from time to time would be
only natural. The Domhnach Mor skull, with an
index of 83.5, is probably one such ; and the com-
paratively high index of one of the Phoenix Park
skulls (78) points likewise in the direction of brachy-
cephalic admixture.

XVIII. We now turn to the second of the sources
of information on Irish ethnology ; the results of
observations on the modern inhabitants.

Here again we are but poorly provided with material.
Except a very valuable series of papers in the Proceed-
ings of the Royal Irish Academy, by Drs. Haddon
and Browne, on various districts and islands in the
west of Ireland, and some observations in Beddoe's
Races of Britain, we have practically nothing. " It
is a remarkable fact that there is scarcely an obscure
people on the face of the globe about whom we have
less anthropographical information than we have of
the Irish." These words were written in 1892 I1
they are still almost as true as they were then.

The districts that have been surveyed anthropo-
graphically are as follows : Ara Mor and the neigh-
bouring islands (Haddon, PRIA, xviii, 759 : Haddon
and Browne, ibid. 768) ; Inis Bo Finne and Inis Earca
(Haddon, PRIA, xix, 311, Browne, ibid. 317) ; Muil-
lead, Inis Ce and Port na Claidhe (Browne, ibid. 587) ;
Baile Cruaidh (Browne, PRIA, xx, 74) ; Cliara and
Inis Tuirc (Browne PRIA, xxi, 40) ; Garmna and
Leitir Muilinn (Browne, ibid. 223) ; Carna and Muigh-
inis (Browne, PRIA, xxii, 503). From data supplied
by these surveys the curves of cephalic indices (fig. i)
have been drawn. The curves are set forth in the
geographical order of the places to which they belong
from south to north : the numbers in brackets denote
the number of persons examined in each district, but
the figures on which the curves are based have been
reduced to percentages. In fig. 2 a similar curve is

1 By Dr. Haddon : PRIA, xviii, 759

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 39

-A COMPOSITE OF ALL THE CURVES IN FIG. i (EXCEPT
Nos. 5 AND 9).

4o IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

given for all the individuals examined by Drs. Browne
and Haddon. In comparing these curves with the
two curves in fig. i (nos. 5 and 9) which denote the
cephalic indices of skulls, some allowance has to be
made for the slight difference — two or three units —
between the cephalic index of a living head and that
of the skull belonging to it.1

These curves indicate a double strain in the modern
population, the one element distinctly brachycephalic,
the other on the border line between dolicho- and
mesaticephaly. It would appear as though on the
whole the brachycephalic strain increases in strength
as we proceed towards the north ; but, almost through-
out, the dolichocephalic strain is the stronger, the
apex associated with it being in most cases higher
than the brachycephalic apex.

When we examine these curves more closely, we
see further that the brachycephalic strain is a recent
importation. It hardly influences the Ailesbury Road
or the Inis Bo Finne skulls at all. It may be taken as
fairly certain that this strain is due to English influence.
And the flattened apices on the brachycephalic side
of the curve, as contrasted with the sharp apex of the
dolichocephalic side, are an indication that the former
element is a mixture, while the latter preserves a com-
parative purity of race.

These results, so far as they go, corroborate the
conclusion at which we have arrived from the skulls,
that the pre-Norman population of Ireland was
dolichocephalic, this belonging either to the Nordic
or the Mediterranean Race. To determine which we
must take into account other criteria. The Medi-
terranean Race is of moderate stature and of dark
complexion ; the Nordic Race is of tall stature and
of fair complexion. What indications have we on
these points ?

If we have scanty information on skull-shapes *
our information on stature is infinitesimal. The

1 The head is wider than the skull.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 41

Ceathramhadh Caol skeletons1 were comparatively
short of stature : the men between 5ft. 5 ins. and
5ft. Sins., with one exceptional case measuring 5ft 9ins. ;
the women were between 5ft. and 5ft. 5ins. This
would predispose us to conclude that the Bronze Age
builders of the earns from which these skeletons came
were of the Mediterranean stock. A similar conclusion
is reached by Dr. Haddon as a result of his examination
of the Oldbridge and Phoenix Park crania :2 and it is
obvious even to a casual traveller that the average
stature of the modern inhabitants of the country,
especially of the women, tends to shortness, which
fact points in the same direction.

The other criterion — coloration — obviously fails
us in observations on grave-deposits ; but we have a
valuable source of information on this subject in the
personal descriptions scattered through the ancient
literature of Ireland.

XIX. It is not to be inferred that, when a writer
describes for us some ancient hero, he is giving us a
pen-picture, such as we might expect from a writer
of a modern obituary notice. It is really something
more valuable. The author is glorifying his subject
by ascribing to him all the traits that went to make up
the conventional standard of beauty at the time when
he wrote. Contrariwise, when some character is
described whom the author wishes to make objection-
able, he is endowed with the conventional type of
ugliness. Now, the standard of beauty is simply the
normal racial standard ; the ruddy cheeks of a healthy
girl, admired in Europe, are hideous to a Japanese,
accustomed to his yellow-skinned beauties — so, at
least, a Japanese friend has assured me. Therefore
these descriptions are not so much portraits of indi-
viduals as composite photographs of a race. They
are like the caricatures of typical representatives of
one nation in the humorous journals of another,

1PRIA xxix, C, 342
*PRIA xx, 582-3.

42 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

showing what features strike an observer who looks
from the outside on the people thus criticised, as a
whole.

We may, therefore, give here some descriptions,
collected from ancient Irish literature. To make the
list exhaustive would be superfluous ; a few typical
examples is all that is necessary. The examples here
quoted are culled in a hasty search through the R.I. A.
facsimiles of Leabhar na hllidhre and of the Book of
Leinster, pp. 1-280 : the rest of the Book of Leinster
does not seem to offer material of value for our present
purpose. Passages in verse are omitted, as the adjec-
tives are so often used merely metri gratia that they
would be misleading. The original Irish can be
found in the facsimiles by the references in brackets
(page, column, line) : to "print it here would occupy
too much space.

We begin with Leabhar na hUidhre : —

1. (2411-253) In the fourth day came the woman to them.
Beautiful came she . . . she had golden hair upon her.

2. (41326) There came a great black ugly warrior.

3. (52340) No one in the crowd managed to look upon her
before there flowed to her shoulders soft branchy truly-golden
hair [said of a queen].

4. (84317) Then the black cropped man overtook them [3nd
a very unflattering description is given of him, and of his com-
panion] a great black woman with a huge mouth.

5. (8708) Cormac Condlongas is described as having fair
flaxen golden hair on him, a face just, fair, ruddy, beardless.

6. (88325) The Cruithne in Da Derga's Hostel are described
as three big brown men with three round scalps of hsir, equally
long behind and before.

7. (88b3) The pipers in the same establishment had yellow-
white hair on them.

8. (Sgbg) The golden-yellow hair of the sons of king Conaire
is alluded to.

9. (90319) Three big brown men, with three brown scalps
on them.

10. (90 ad fin. — 91 ad init.) Conall Cearnsch is thus descri-
bed : White as snow one of his cheeks, red and speckled as a
fox-glove the other cheek. Blue as a hyacinth the one eye,
black as the back of a beetle the other eye. The filling of a
harvest-bssket was the bushy head of golden hair upon him.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 43

n. (9ob32) The trio in Conaire's company are described as
fair in their hair and eyelashes.

12. (91315) Conaire's golden hair is alluded to.

13. (92b5) The cupbearers of the king of Teamhair have
white-yellow hair.

14. (93-4) On the other hand the swineherds of Conaire
named Dubh, Bonn, and Dorcha (" Black, Brown, and Dark ")
have three black scalps upon them.

15. (93-25) The Saxons at Da Derga's Hostel have nine
very yellow manes on them. The king's guardsmen (9537)
are similarly described.

16. (95b34) The three giants of Fer Falga are, Three big
brown men with black, horse-like hair on them, reaching their
heels.

17. (96317) Da Derga has red hair ; so (96338) have the
three champions from the Sidh.

1 8. (96^5) Fer Caille is a black-scalped man.

19. (96b23) The three sons of the king of Britain have
yellow manes.

20. (i05b44) Loiguire hss hair black at the base, red in the
middle, and as a diadem of yellow gold 3t the top.

21. (ii3b3) Cu Chulaind is described as a black, sorrowful
man, black and cropped . . . black 33 the side of a dub-jholach
his two eyebrows. The same description reappears in i22bii.
In both places his charioteer is described as having red hair.

22. (120319) The fairy promises Condla the Red that if he
will sccompsny her to fsiryknd he will rmve a "yellow top "
above his ruddy face.

These twenty-two passages already suggest certain
deductions. All persons of importance native to
Ireland are described as having golden hair. Most
persons in subordinate positions, and those who are
spoken of with scorn, are dark-haired. The coloration
of the eyes is not so much emphasised, but there is
evidence that the superior classes had light-coloured
eyes.

Next, we notice that, as a rule, yellow hair is descri-
bed as long and flowing, while dark hair is described
as close-cropped, or by a word that suggests this.
The only exception is no. 16, where certain foreign
giants are described. The regular word for a head of
yellow hair is mong, " mane," the regular word for
a head of dark hair is berrad, a derivation from the

44 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

verb her r aim, " to shave " : the word " scalp " very
fairly expresses its meaning. This word is sometimes
qualified with prefixed adjectives, as crtiind-berrad,
" round scalp " (compare the expression " Round-
heads " applied to the close-cropped seventeenth-
century Puritans) : dond-berrad, " brown scalp " :
dub-ben ad, " black scalp " : very rarely with an
adjective denoting a light colour.

This fact can hardly be dissociated from a passage,
with its gloss, in the Brehon Law tracts,1 where it is
prescribed that a person of the rank of a bringu, to
maintain his position, should have a hundred men
i mbesaib mogad " in the manners of slaves " : explain-
ing which, O'Davoren in his Glossary (loc. cit. in
footnote) renders the word bes by berrad, " tonsure."

The peculiar " composite " descriptions, as we
may call them, of Conall Cearnach (no. 10), and of
Loiguire (no. 20) are possibly a harassed redactor's
attempt to reconcile contradictory descriptions in
different versions of a story before him. A gloss that
has crept into the text of the Book of Leinster (26^8)
suggests this : the description of Dubhthach Doel
Uladh there given reads thus : — " Wild black hair on
him, a mild expression in one of his eyes, a foam of
crimson blood in the other : that is, a gentle kindly
expression at one time, a fierce expression at another
time."

The passages thus cited from Leabhar na hUidhre
thus enable us to distinguish two classes of the
community : the ruling classes, marked by their
long flowing locks, and the enslaved classes with
close-cropped black or brown heads. That both
these classes were dolichocephalic has been already
indicated : they must therefore belong to the Medi-
terranean and" to the Nordic stocks respectively.
That the dark people are regularly described as mor,
" big," would seem to militate against this identifica-

1 Ancient Laws of Ireland (Rolls Series) V, 76, line 15 : see
O'Davoren's Glossary in Archiv Jiir celtische Lexikographie II,
p. 235, s.v. bes.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 45

tion. For the Mediterranean stock is of shorter
stature than the Nordic. But mor does not necessarily
mean " of tall stature." It is rather, in these contexts,
a term of reproach, meaning something like " lumpish "
or " clumsy." The word " clodhopper " expresses
the sense which the writers seem to wish to convey.

There is, however, one remarkable exception to
all these rules. The great Ultonian champion, Cu
Chulaind, is described as being very dark, and close-
cropped. This is at first sight surprising : but the
mystery resolves itself when we remember that the
historical character, who is at the basis of the Cu
Chulaind myth, was not a native Irishman at all.
His other name, or rather appellation, Setanta Becc,
" little Setanta," sufficiently identifies him as a
member of the otherwise obscure Brythonic tribe of
the Setantii, whose seat was somewhere about the
mouth of the Mersey. In agreement with his foreign
origin he was exempt from the strange disease called
cess noinden which attacked the Ultonians at a critical
moment in the fortunes of the province.1 It is not
surprising that a king of the Ulaidh should have
imported from abroad a fire-eating bravo whose
prowess was notorious, notwithstanding his diminutive
stature (which is, perhaps, at the basis of the legends
of his feats as a small boy), and his epileptic affection
(which is possibly the nucleus of fact round which
have crystallised the queer stories of his " distortions "
in moments of excitement).

We may now turn to the Book of Leinster. If we
find that the indications which it contains agree with
those of Leabhar na hUidhre, we may fairly take the
thesis as proved.

i. (300138) Dub, Dorcha, and Teimel (Black, Dark, and
Darkness) are the three cup-bearers of Brian, luchar, and
lucharba, the gods of the Tuatha De Danann.

1 The MS. Harleian 5280 tells us categorically that Cu Chulaind
as exempt from this malady ar nar bo don Ulltaib do, " for he
was not of the Ulaidh."

46 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

2. (55046) The seven persons called Mane are described
as having cropped hair on them.

3- (55a5°) ^e seven sons of Maga had berrtha nua
" fresh-shaven scalps."

4- (55^4) The people of Cormac Condlongas had broad
scalps with white-yellow all-golden flowing hair on them. [This
is one of the few passages in which the word berrad is associated
with a word describing a light colour].

5- (55b36) She had a ruddy face, a grey laughing eye, red
thin lips, shiny pearly teeth . . . white as the snow that fell
in one night was the sheen of her skin and her flesh . . . white-
yellow long, all-golden hair on her ; three tresses of her hair
about her head, another tress shadowing her calves.

6. (68ay) Cu Chulaind is described as having fifty bright
yellow locks on him, in one of his transformations. But immedi-
ately afterwards we read of a bright white bald spot on him,
which takes the force out of the description.

7. (yibz) Fergus has bushy twisty yellow-white truly golden
loosened hair. He changed his racial character in the other
world, however, for his ghost (245b23) has brown hair.

8. (76323) A man from the Sidh has a broad scalp with
curly yellow hair. Compare no. 4 above.

9. (78b3o) Cu Chulaind 's hair is here described as having
three colours, like the hair of Loiguire in no. 20 of the previous
series of extracts. The doubt as to the colour of this champion's
hair (compare no. 6 above with no. 21 of the previous series)
is a further argument in favour of the explanation of " com-
posite " descriptions, which we have just given. Compare also
no. 29 below.

10. (9ob4) Mane Mathremail and Mane Athremail are de-
scribed as having Jolt cass-\dond\ and jolt cassbuidhe " brown
curled hair " and " fair curled hair " respectively.

11. (97323) Conchobar has white-yellow hair curling, well-
ordered ... a grey eye in his head, a yellow curly beard on
his chin.

12. (97337) Cuscraid Mend has while-yellow hair and a light
curling beard.

13. (97b7) Sencha mac Ailella is a fair broad- headed warrior
. . . brownish-yellow hair in locks on him, a dark-blue eye
... a forked bright curly beard. Sencha's son, Caini, has
flowing yellow hair (z67b44).

14. (97b ad fin.) Eoghan mac Durthachta is a white long
big man . . . brown dark hair on him, smooth and thin
on his forehead.

15. (98317) Loegaire Buadach has light grey hair on him,
great yellow eyes in his head.

16. (98331) Munremur mac Gercind has a scarred ruddy
face and a grey sparkling eye in his head.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 47

17. (98045) Connad mac Morna has a brown proud round
eye in his head, and very curling yellow hair.
• 1 8. (98!} 1 8) Reochaid mac Fathemain has reddish yellow
hair, well proportioned, tall, broad above, slender below, thin
red lips, shining pearly teeth, white skin.

19. (98b33) Fergus mac Leithe is a thick-limbed warrior,
with brown hair, and a shining proud eye.

20. (99310) Feradach Find Fechtnach is a white yellow
warrior, all white is his hair, eye, beard, eyebrows, and clothing.

21 (99337) Celtchair mac Uthechair has rough grey hair.

22. (99350) Eirrge Echbel is a warrior with fat paunch and
lips, broad-headed, with brown very curly hair.

23. (99b8) Mend mac Salcholgan has ruddy hair, great
reddish eyes.

24. (99b23) Fergna mac Findchonna is a broad-cheeked
brownish warrior, with black hair.

25. (100337) The tricha cet of Mag Murthemne have long
yellow manes, and clear royal eyes.

26. (ii7bi8) The grotesque infant Amairgen, whom the nar-
rator desires to make as ugly as possible, has brown-blackish-red
eyes and rough hair.

27. (253343) He was long-cheeked, bright, broad-faced ;
curling golden-yellow limber hair flowing down to his shoulders ;
a proud burning eye, blue and clear in his head.

28. (265b ad fin) Conchobar has a fair slender forked beard
and yellow hair.

29. (26639) Cu Chulaind is a little black-browed man.

30. (266343) The Tuatha De Danann have ruddy brown
beards, forked.

31. (266343) Conall Anghlonnach is a wrathful brown war-
rior.

32. (ibid) Conall Cearnach is a fair warrior.

33. (ibid) Loiguire of Raith Immill is a valiant warrior with
yellow-red hair of the colour of honeycomb, a brownish black
forked beard.

34. (266bi5) Uma mac Remanfissig, Errgi Echbel, and Celt-
chair mac Uthechair are a hideous trio . . . with very
brown rough hair.

35. (266b43) Trisgatsl is dark-browed . . . with a broad
face.

36. (267332) Roimid, Conchobsr's fool, has a black pointed
scsip (suasmael) and large eyes all white, a smooth blue Ethio-
pian face.

37. (275b29) Fiachna, son of Retach of the Sidh-folk, has
golden-yellow hair down his back.

38. (277b22) Fedelm Jholtbhuidhe, " the yellow-haired " is
described as a noted beauty.

48 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

These passages will suffice, I think, to show clearly
what was the normal standard of beauty, and the
reverse, and thus will afford a test of the normal
physical characters of the inhabitants of Ireland at
the time of the development of the literature from
which they are extracted. We must add the descrip-
tion of king Cormac mac Airt from the Book of Bally-
mote (edited with translation by Stokes in Irische
Texte, III, 186) " hair-braids slightly curled, all golden
upon him . . . like blue-bells his eyes, like the sheen
of a dark-blue blade his eyebrows." And when
Cormac, in the disguise of a shepherd, withstood the
usurper who had seized his throne, and exposed the
fallacies of his judicial decisions, Flaithiusa h-Erend
tells us that the king looked on him and saw " that he
had a royal eye in his head " ; which must mean
simply that his eyes were of the fair colour associated
with royalty, not of the dark colour associated with
the menial work which for safety he had assumed.
Compare no. 25 of the extracts from the Book of
Leinster.

We must not expect ethnological consistency in
these descriptions, any more than we can expect it
in the individuals that compose a race ; the far-reach-
ing results of blending of opposite elements are ever
present to induce complications. Indeed, a too
rigorous consistency would lead, us to suspect a
mechanical artificiality in the descriptions which
would deprive them of all value. There is just enough
inconsistency to avert this suspicion, while maintaining
sufficient uniformity to indicate a rule. Those whom
the chronicler wishes to exalt — always with the striking
exception of the foreigner Cu Chulaind — are fair,
with long flowing hair. Those who are abased, in
position or in morals > are as a rule dark, with close-
cropped or " rough " hair ; in some cases where there
is no suggestion of abasement there will be a peculiarity
of name or otherwise which suggests that the person
is of another stock. It is noticeable that certain persons
are described as " broad-faced." Broad faces usually

IRELANP IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 49

;o with brachycephalic skulls, and as these broad-
aced persons, few in number, are almost (not quite)
always described as dark, they indicate the presence
(already suggested by the skulls) of a few individuals
of the Alpine stock, though not in sufficient numbers
to reduce appreciably the dolichocephalic average.

When we find in any country two stocks thus care-
fully kept apart, so that they can be distinguished
even by ancient writers with no scientific knowledge
of ethnology ; separated from one another by social
position running parallel with racial character — a
distinction similar to that between the Spartans and
the perioeci in ancient Laconia : we are safe in
inferring two things. First, that the distinction was
maintained by obstacles to intermarriage. Secondly,
that the ruling classes were an importation, a tribe of
conquerers, who had subdued and reduced the
original inhabitants to a subordinate position, if not
to actual serfdom.

XX. In the light of these results, let us look back
once more at the native traditions of the successive
invasions, which we have already analysed on an
earlier page. We have seen that the stories of Par-
tholon, of Neimheadh, and of the Fir Bolg, are all three
versions of the one story, before they were worked
over by the historians who have transmitted them
to us. We cannot go far wrong if we suppose that
this tradition was the tale which the aboriginal people
had among themselves about their arigines. The
story of the Milesians, in which a knightly expedition
came over-sea to avenge the murder of one of their
own kin, and by dint of their superiority in magic
and in prowess conquered the country— -that is the
tale which the xanthochrous dominant race told about
themselves. On the other hand, the story of sea-
pirates called Fomhoraigh, hideous to behold, with
single legs, single hands, and single eyes, led by a
disgusting fury of a woman with " four eyes in her
back "—that is the tale which the subdued aborigines
told of the conquerers ; the Milesian invasion from
P

5o IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

the point of view of the vanquished. The conquerers
were probably a small community, holding the country
by a sort of feudal tenure : and just as the castles
appear for the first time on the establishment of
Anglo-Norman feudalism, so the crannogs or lake-
dwellings appear for the first time on the establish-
ment of this earlier feudalism. These all date from
after the beginning of the Iron Age ; no alleged
Bronze Age crannog will bear investigation. This
fact dates the immigration of the xanthochrous
conquerers to the beginning of the Iron Age.

It will be noticed that in thus drawing analogies
between the native traditions and the ethnology of
the country we leave the Tuatha De Danann on one
side. This people stands on a different footing from
the rest. That they are a semi-humanised pantheon
of gods is the theory about them which has become
generally accepted. For the present we may so far
acknowledge the substantial truth of the theory as
to pass over the Tuatha De Danann in any investi-
gation of the ancient races of Ireland and the remains
that they have left behind.

The whole civilisation of the Iron Age, with the
Celtic language, was probably imported by the xan-
thochrous invaders. In fact, it was their iron weapons,
the recollection of which still survives in folk-tales in
the terrible flashing " sword of light," which gave
them their advantage. But it is to the Pre-Celtic
stock that the majority of the modern inhabitants
of the country belong.

It might have been expected that racial analogies,
closer than is actually to be found, should exist
between these people and the inhabitants of those
parts of Scotland where the Pictish language and
Pictish social institutions were maintained down to
historic times. But this would be to fall into the error
against which a warning has been already given of
confusing the external attributes of language and
social institutions with the innate physical attributes
of race.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 51

As we have already seen, the aborigines with whom
we are concerned are to be grouped with the Medi-
terranean stock, whose modern representatives form
the populations of Italy and of Spain. On this account
they are often called " Iberian." This, however, is
assuming a little too much : and for the reason stated
in the previous paragraph, " Pictish," a name some-
times used for them, might be misleading. We prefer
to use the non-committal term " Pre-Celtic," by
which is to be understood the people that inhabited
Ireland ij before the introduction of the Celtic
vernacular

CHAPTER III

THE STONE AGE

I. The Questions involved. II. The Condition of Ireland at the
Beginning of Human Occupation. III. The Place of Origin of
the earliest Inhabitants. IV. The Culture of the first Inhabi-
tants. V. Classification of Neolithic Sites. VI. Raised Beach
Sites. VII. The Hiatus between the Raised Beach and the
Sandhill Sites. VIII. The Shore-dwellers' (Sandhill) Sites. IX.
Factory Sites. X. Shell-heaps. XI. Inland and Cave Sites.
XII. Stratification and its Interpretation. XIII. The Nature of
Flint. XIV. The Development of Neolithic Culture. XV.
Raised Beach Implements. XVI. Sandhill Implements. XVII.
Implements of the Overlap Period.

I. Three questions present themselves for con-
sideration at this stage of our study, (i) What was the
environment in which the earliest inhabitants of
Ireland found themselves : or, rather, to state it more
exactly, what was the condition of the country at the
moment when the first men landed on her shores ?
(ii) Whence did man first come to Ireland, and how
did he succeed in finding his way thither ? (iii) To
what stage of civilisation had he attained when he
first set foot on Irish soil ?

II. To answer the first question fully, it would be
necessary to give a synopsis of the whole geological
history of the country ; for effect follows cause, in an
endless chain, back to the beginning. Such an
exhaustive treatment of the subject would, however,
be here out of place. We may pass over in silence
the long succession of ages that preceded the appear-
ance of humanity. A preliminary question will then
arise, namely, When did man first come to Ireland ?

There is no unquestioned evidence for the human
occupation of Ireland during the Palaeolithic period.
Discoveries of Palaeolithic, and even of Eolithic

52

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 53

implements, in the country have been announced from
timetotime. Thus, Mr. E. F.J.Bennett has described
a number of these objects from the north of Ireland.1
But Eoliths generally are under a cloud, and the
Belfast specimens do nothing to dispel the mist of
doubt that enwraps the entire subject. Mr. Knowles,
again, describes certain flints from Baile an Ridire,
Co. Antrim, which he found beneath the boulder-
clay.2 Boulder-clay is a glacial deposit, and artificial
objects found underneath it would almost of necessity
be pre-glacial and palaeolithic.3 But >a committee of
the Belfast Naturalists' Field Club examined them,
and pronounced them to be not of human workman-
ship.4 Again, the Rev. F. Smith has described
" palaeoliths " which he has found on the coasts of
both Scotland and Ireland :5 but all the critics of his
book, so far as I have seen, have agreed to condemn
this writer's theories, treating his palaeoliths as mere
pebbles in their natural and unworked state. Early
flints, such as have been found in the Latharna gravels,
have been by many called Palaeolithic.6 But this
theory hardly attaches sufficient weight to the geo-
logical evidence, set forth later in this chapter, in
favour of their post-glacial date. The same is true of
Mr. Knowles' attempt to prove other Irish implements
in flint and stone to be Palaeolithic.7

1 Eoliths in Belfast and Bloomsbury, Geological Magazine, new
ser., decade iv, vol. x, p. 127

2 Flint flakes in the glacial gravels of Bally rudder, near Lame,
County Antrim, BNFC, II, iii, 410.

3 There are a few special cases in which a post glacial-object
might work its way underneath a bed of boulder-clay, but these
are so rare as to be negligible.

4 See the report, BNFC, II, iii, 518.

6 The Stone Ages in North Britain and Ireland. London, 1909.

6 The most serious attempt to throw back these flints into the
Palaeolithic period is that made by Mr. Reginald Smith (Congres
d'archeologie prehistorique, Geneva, 1912, vol. i, p. 414 : Archaeo-
logia, vol. Ixiii, p. 141).

7 The Antiquity of Man in Ireland : being an account of the older
series of Irish flint implements. JAI, xliv, 83.

54 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

When the gravels of Latharna were deposited, the
relation between the land and the water was not the
same as it is to-day ; in other words, the contour of
the coast was a very different line from that familiar
in our modern maps. There is evidence (the nature
of which will be found fully discussed in any text-book
of Geology) that the Ice Age was followed by a series
of land oscillations, upwards and downwards, in which
certain areas of land now submerged were for a time
exposed, and certain areas now exposed were at other
times submerged. The traces of these oscillations
have been most fully studied in Scandinavia, and the
oscillation-periods have received names derived from
the molluscs found in deposits of the Baltic Sea,
characteristic of the successive periods. Immediately
after the final retreat of the ice, the land in the Baltic
area was so deeply submerged that Norway and
Sweden were reduced to the form of a long narrow
island, having a wide sea, open at both ends, between
it and the mainland of what is now Russia. This
sea is known to geologists as the Yoldia Sea, from the
name of a mollusc found in large numbers in its
deposits. The submergence of the land was followed
by an emergence, in which the land rose to a height
sufficiently great to close the Baltic completely. The
salt Yoldia Sea thus gradually gave place to an inland
fresh-water lake, known as the Ancylus Lake. Sub-
sequently a second submergence of the land took
place, but not nearly so deep as the Yoldia submer-
gence. The Baltic was only slightly larger, compara-
tively speaking, than its present area. This stage
of the sea is called the Littorina Sea. From this
phase the modern conditions evolved by a gradual
re- emergence of the land.

In Scotland, during the Yoldia period, the land
was so far submerged below its present level that a
point which would now be at sea-level would then
have been a hundred feet lower. When the land
afterwards rose to its present elevation, the old beach
rose with it, and still remains at an elevation of a

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 55

hundred feet above sea-level, to shew where the sea
once ebbed and flowed. A beach of later formation,
at the present height of about fifty feet above sea-level,
remains to mark an intermediate stage in the oscillation.

The beaches corresponding to the Ancylus period
are, naturally, now submerged, and are not available
for examination : but this period has left its traces
in beds of peat, found here and there below the
present sea-level. Where there is peat there must
once have been a forest, and forests cannot grow
beneath the sea : therefore a place where submarine
peat occurs must once have been above the surface
of the water.

At the height of twenty-five feet above sea-level is
another raised beach, traces of which exist in both
Scotland and Ireland ; this belongs to the period
of the Littorina Sea.1

The regions round the Baltic sea were destitute of
human inhabitants during the Yoldia period, and the
same is true of Scotland and Ireland. The first known
remains of man in Scandinavia date from the time of
the Ancylus lake. In Scotland and Ireland, however,
we do not find certain evidence of human occupation
till we reach the time of the Littorina Sea. The
twenty-five feet beach, both in Scotland and in
Ireland, contains the earliest certain human relics.

We may picture the country when its first inhabitants
arrived, as covered with vast pine forests interspersed
with ancient oaks.2 Through these forests the rivers

1 When the 25-feet beach is found associated with peat, the beach
overlies the peat : but the contrary is the case when peat is found
associated with the 5o-feet and the loo-feet beach. This shows
that the two last-named were formed before the peat, and the first-
named after the peat. Thus we cannot explain the 25-feet beach
as being, like the 5o-feet beach, an intermediate stage in the first
oscillation.

2 The following note in Vallancey's Collectanea, vi, p. 289, well
illustrates the sequence of forests — pine succeeding oak — which
has also been proved by the stratification of timber in the Danish
peat-mosses : " The late Mr. Evans, engineer, informed me that
in cutting the line of the Royal Canal through the bog of Cappagh,

56 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

meandered, unrestrained — just as the great rivers of
South America still flow through the forest-clad
interior. Here and there were dangerous bogs and
marshes, kept moist by frequent rains ; for the climate
was colder and moister than it is at present.

Animal life abounded, including in its scope many
species that have now disappeared from the country.
Notable among these creatures was the Irish Elk
(Cervus giganteus), whose remains have been found
over the greater part of Europe, but which seems to
have thriven in Ireland in especial abundance —
though its great horns, often measuring as much as
fourteen feet from tip to tip, must have hampered
its movements in the afforested parts of the country.
It was for long a disputed question whether the elk
was or was not contemporary with man. Numerous
papers discussing this problem will be found in the
early volumes of the Journal of the Geological Society
of Ireland. Elk-bones which seemed to have been
cut and grooved were brought into evidence, but it
was shown that the rubbing of one bone upon another
in a boggy soil, liable to disturbance, could have
caused these marks without human aid. In 1834 it
was announced that a corral of stakes had been found
at Ceannanus, Co. Meath, in which were the bones
of many elks that had been entrapped.1 This discovery
does not seem to have been confirmed : but it has
often been suggested in conversation, if not in writing,
that the numerous skeletons of elks found in the
narrow bog of Baile Biadhtaigh, Co. Dublin, belonged
to animals which also had been corralled. For this
theory there is no evidence : it is not difficult to

between Dublin and Kilcock, at the distance of 26 ft. he met with
fir trees which apparently had been planted in avenues ; and at
this depth he found a lump of tallow weighing about two hundred-
weight ; that he sunk 14 ft. below these trees in bog, and came to
a hard bottom on which were oak trees prostrated." The " ave-
nues " need not be taken seriously ; the " tallow " was perhaps
a buried keg of bog butter.

1 Gentleman's Magazine, 1834, II, p. 148.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 57

imagine a combination of natural circumstances which
had entrapped the animals in the valley that contains
the bog, at some time of flood, so that they were
unable to escape.1

The cave of Baile na mBaintreabhach, to be described
later in this chapter, has, however, given more definite
evidence, favouring the belief that the elk actually
survived till the appearance of man in Ireland.

Another animal indigenous to the country at the
time of man's first appearance was the Wolf. This
destructive creature is of great importance in consider-
ing archaeological problems. Many of the defensive
fortifications, some of which we have to study in these
pages, were intended to guard against wolves rather
than against human foes. The wolf was hunted in
Ireland in 1370, according to Campion's History.
In the Journal of the House of Commons it is recorded
that Sir John Ponsonby recommended the extermina-
tion of wolves and foxes in 1662 ; and according to
Smith's History of Kerry the last wolf was killed in
Ireland in or about 171 o.2 The presence of wolves
made the forests even more impassable than they
would have been by nature, and thus put difficulties
in the way of intercourse between the different parts
of the island. The wolf, therefore, had some con-
siderable influence on the social history of the country.

The Wild Boar was also plentiful even down to the

1 See a paper by Mr. W. Williams, entitled An attempt to eluci-
date the History of .... the Irish Elk, in the Scientific Pro-
ceedings of the Royal Dublin Society, New Series, II (1880), p. 105.
The author of this article believes that the elk was an interglacial
animal, and that those found afr Baile Biadhtaigh had been mired
and drowned. In any case we need not assume the simultaneous
annihilation of a herd of elks: the numerous individuals might
have been drowned one by one, during a long succession of years.

2 I borrow these references from a paper entitled Notice of
Animals which have disappeared from Ireland during the Period of
authentic History, by John Scouler (Journal of the Geol. Soc. of
Dublin, i, 224). Mr. T. J. Westropp informs me that he has
found evidence for the existence in Ireland of the wolf at an even
later date.

58 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

seventeenth century. It was degenerate already in
the time of Giraldus Cambrensis, who describes the
Irish boars as eocigui, difformes, et fugitiui.1 In the
crannog sites boar bones and tusks, the latter often
of great size, are very common ; it was evidently a
favourite object of the chase, as well as a staple
article of food. The Fenian legends are full of boar-
hunts, and the ferocity of the animal is vividly mirrored
in these tales.

The Bear was contemporary with man, though
probably in comparatively small numbers, at least
down to the Bronze Age. Part of a bone from the
fore leg of a bear, worked into a pin, was found in one
of the earns at Ceathramhadh Caol, Co. Sligo ;2 and
bear bones were also found in the cave of Baile na
mBaintreabhach and at Elderbush Cave, Newhall,
Co. Clare.3 The tooth of a bear was also found in a
shore site at Traigh Li, Co. Kerry.4 It was probably
commoner at the beginning of the human occupation
of the country.

Many smaller animals and birds, now rare or wholly
extinct, might be enumerated, if we had any special
reason to do so. We are here concerned only with
the conditions which affected human life : and we
have said enough to shew that it was no light task
that lay before the first canoe-load of explorers who
landed" in Ireland — to colonise a country, thus run
wild, thus infested with savage animals, with forests,
lakes, rivers, and marshes blocking the way almost
at every mile : and to subdue it with no better tools
than a handful of rude flint chips.

III. We now turn to the^econd question which we
set before us at the beginning of this chapter. Whence
came these colonists, and how did they make their
way to Ireland ? The first part of this question admits
of but one probable answer. The oldest remains oi

1 Topographic. Hiberniae, I, xix.
2PRIA, xxix C, 337.
3TRIA, xxxiii B, 18
4 PRIA, xxii, 360.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 59

man in the country have been found in the north-east
corner ; and it is just at the north-east corner that it
approximates most closely to other lands. Maol
Chinn Tire in Scotland is only a little more than ten
miles distant from the nearest point of the Irish coast.
Latharna, where the gravels containing the earliest
flints of Ireland have been found, is less than thirty
miles from the nearest point of the Scottish coast.
By either of these routes the colonists might have
made their way.

In the older books on prehistoric archaeology much
is made of the so-called hiatus existing between the
Palaeolithic and the Neolithic periods. On the
further side of the chasm is the hunter, unacquainted
with pottery and with the domestication of animals,
and living under conditions differing widely from
those of the present. On the hither side is the agri-
culturist, freely employing the arts unknown to his
predecessor, and living under modern climatic
conditions. But no transitional type had been found :
the passage from the one to the other was apparently
abrupt, and no one could tell how Neolithic man,
with his special arts, had taken the place of his
Palaeolithic predecessor.

As is usual, however, the hiatus existed in modern
knowledge, not in the orderly course of ancient
history. The first serious contribution towards a
bridging of the gap was made by Edouard Piette, in
his excavations of the Pyrenean cave known as Le Mas
d'Azil.1 The deposits on the floor of this cave shewed
that it had been a refuge of early man at different
times, divided by intervals when owing to the overflow
of a river the cave was full of water. At the
bottom of the accumulation covering the rocky
floor was a layer containing Palaeolithic tools.
Later layers contained Neolithic implements. Inter-
calated between these was the long-sought transitional

xThe subject of the Azilian civilisation can be conveniently
studied in Dechelette's Manuel d'archeologie, Part II, chap, i (vol. I,
p. 307), or in Sollas's Ancient Hunters, chap. xiii.

60 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

civilisation. The flints were of the same style as
those of the end of the Palaeolithic period. The bone
tools were also similar, but much degenerated. The
exuberant art which arouses our wonder, as we con-
template the paintings on the walls of late Palaeolithic
cave-dwellings, had dwindled down to unintelligible
marks daubed with paint on pebbles. The reindeer,
the chief animal of the late Palaeolithic period in the
region of the Pyrenees, had almost disappeared.
This had an important consequence. One of the
principal instruments of the end of the Palaeolithic
period was the fishing harpoon. This was made of
reindeer-horn, a substance which, like wood, is solid
almost throughout to its heart. The harpoon of rein-
deer horn could, therefore, be worked to a cylindrical
form. But now the weapon had to be made of stags'
horns, which have a hard outer rind and a useless
spongy heart. The new harpoons, being made of the
outer surface of the horn, had therefore to be flat.
The flat harpoon is the leading criterion of Azilian
culture.

Since Piette's investigations at Le Mas d'Azil other
transitional forms of civilisation have come to light,
shewing that the passage from the Palaeolithic culture
to the Neolithic was very far from being a simple
process. It is evident from the associated human
remains that new races entered Europe from 'without,
about this time, doubtless bringing with them new
ideas. Another important phase of transitional
culture, the Campignian, seems (so far as our still
imperfect information permits us to judge) to be an
independent development, parallel with, but not
affiliated to, the Azilian civilisation. This phase of
civilisation derives its name from Campigny in the
department of Seine-Inferieure, France ; but it
appears probable that it developed originally in
Scandinavia. In the Ancylus settlement at Magle-
mose is the island of Seeland, the shore settlements
of Jaravallen in Sweden and of Nostvet in Norway,
and above all in the Littorina shell-heaps of the Danish

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 61

coast (commonly called Kokkenmoddinger or " kitchen
middens ") we may watch the Campignian culture in-
process of evolution. It is chiefly distinguished by
two stone tools, of types unknown in the preceding
Palaeolithic age — an axe with a cutting edge having
its two surfaces straight and bevelled, like the edge
of a turnscrew (the so-called " kitchen-midden axe ") :
and a pick, consisting of a straight bar of stone with
a blunt point at both ends (the " Campignian pick").
The shell-mound of Oronsay, which has been ex-
cavated with great care by Messrs. A Henderson.
Bishop and Ludovic Man,1 has given us valuable
information on the mode of life of that early time. 1}
belongs to the period of the 25-feet raised beach.
Flat harpoons, of the Azilian type, were found on the
site. For the details of the Oronsay discoveries we
must refer the reader to the monograph named in
the footnote : but the general conclusions may thus
be summarised. Oronsay man, at the time of the
deposition of the shell-heap, was a hunter, a fisher,
and a fowler. There is no evidence, such as would be
afforded by the presence of corn-grinders and similar
implements, that he practised agriculture. Frag-
ments of red paint, and perforated shells, shewed how
he decorated his person ; the pins and piercers of
bone indicate that he was clothed in hides. No human
remains were found on Oronsay itself, but some bones
came to light in a cave at Oban,2 which gave a certain
amount of information about the physical character
of the tribe. The explorers of the site believe that
the ancient inhabitants sailed thither in a currach of
hides stretched on a frame, rather than in a dug-out
canoe, on the ground that no tool fit for making a
dug-out was found in the settlement. However that
may be, an indication of their skill in seamanship is
the presence in the midden-heaps of the remains of
crabs of deep-sea varieties : this shews that the people

1 See their report in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries
of Scotland, xlviii, 52-108. See also idem, xxxii, 298.

2 Proceedings Soc. Antiq. Scot., xxix, 211, 410.

62 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

had traps, and that they could row out some distance
to set them.

Now if there were people in what we now call
Scotland, at the time of the 25-feet raised beach,
who could row at least six miles in a canoe, however
made, they could in calm weather cross the not much
wider channel that separates Maol Chinn Tire from
Baile an Chaisleain, where Scotland and Ireland are
plainly in sight of each other.

It is not, however, to be understood from the fore-
going paragraphs that the first inhabitants of Ireland,
whose remains we find there also in the 25-feet raised
beach, were direct colonists from Oronsay or from
any analogous settlement. The two communities
belong to different culture-groups. The Scottish
settlements hitherto found (at Oronsay and at Oban)
are Azilian in type : the Irish settlements (chief
among which are those contained in the Latharna
gravels) are distinctly Campignian. No Campignian
remains have as yet been found in Scotland : but
the geographical position of the earliest sites in Ireland
makes it practically certain that Ireland was colonized
from Scotland, at about the same time as the deposi-
tion of the Oronsay shell-heap.

The beginning of the Neolithic period was marked
by an immigration into Europe of at least one short-
headed race, most probably from .Asia ; to which
race, indeed, Europe has probably to acknowledge its
indebtedness for many of the Neolithic arts. Though
this was more likely a gradual " peaceful penetration "
than a sudden warlike incursion, the newcomers must
have produced a congestion of the population of the
Continent. For Europe, sparsely inhabited though
it was, had already as many dwellers as it could con-
veniently support. It was still to a large extent
uninhabitable, owing to its dense forests ; its natives
still lived on the produce of the chase, and therefore
needed wide and empty areas for the breeding of the
beasts on which they fed. It is quite probable that
a direct result of the congestion, produced by the

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 63

immigrants, would be to squeeze the backwash of
humanity into places where man had never penetrated
before. So it is just at this time that we find commu-
nities working gradually northward through England
into Scotland, and crossing the western sea to the
islands which seemed to offer a refuge.

Some such influence as this — some force majeure —
must be postulated if we are to account for these
colonists seeking new homes at all. If psychologically
they at all resembled the primitive men that come
under our own notice — and this is at least probable —
then only the most irresistible pressure from behind
would have induced them to settle in a new country
at all. For, to a degree inconceivable to us, the savage
is surrounded, day and night, by spiritual terrors of
every kind. So long as he stays in his own country,
he knows how to propitiate the ghosts and the demons
that haunt its every corner. But when he is transported
to a strange land, amid strange ghosts and strange
demons, he is as one at sea in a rudderless ship.
Something of his pitiable state may be gathered from
the story in Hebrew history of the tribes with which
the Assyrian king had peopled the land of Israel,
after deporting the Israelites themselves.1 The new-
comers being decimated by lions, which had bred
freely in the depopulated country, sent a message to
the king begging him to send them an Israelite priest
to instruct them, as " they knew not the manner of
the God of the land." Exactly in the same way,
though in a yet more intense degree, we may picture
the colonists setting foot in trepidation on the shores
of Ireland : they knew not the manner of its spiritual
inhabitants. Nothing but necessity could have
induced them to brave these imaginary but very real
terrors. Such a necessity was very likely the result
of the intrusion of the short-headed tribes, and the
consequent upset in the balance of population in
Central Europe.

1 ii (iv) Kings xvii, 24-41.

64 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Wherever they may have landed, they very soon
began to make their way round the coast. They did
not at first penetrate inland ; the interior, as has been
already indicated, was not inviting. Ireland is girdled
round with a ring of midden-heaps. But it is not to
be supposed that they all belong to the first inhabitants ;
many of them are quite late in date. Indeed, the
shore-dwellers' civilisation, if so we may call it, might
have been studied in the life within the last hundred
years on some of the remote islands along the western
coast — save that the moderns enjoyed, in addition to
the fare of their remote ancestors, the not wholly
unmixed advantage of the potato, and the unmitigated
evils of tobacco, strong tea, porter, and poitin. Some
of the middens of the shore-dwellers have yielded
bronze and even iron objects : and one of the most
elementary rules of archaeological research is to date
deposits by the latest objects- which they contain, if
there be no proof that these are intrusions. As a rule,
the stratification of a site will guide us through the
maze in safety, so long as it has not had the misfortune
of having been what is technically called " hogged,"
by treasure-seekers or curiosity-hunters.

IV. In the preceding paragraphs we have already
answered to some extent the third of our three
questions : the stage of civilisation to which the first
inhabitants had already attained. But in order to
answer it more completely we must now proceed to
give a fuller account of the results that have attended
the investigation of the midden-sites.

V. These may be classified under four heads :
(i) Raised beach sites. (ii) Shore-dwellers' sites,
(iii) Factory sites, (iv) Shell-heaps. The first three
types contain implements, belonging to very different
stages of civilisation. There are no implements of
importance in the fourth type.

VI. As a typical example of the Raised Beach sites,
we may begin our account with a study of the gravels
at Latharna, to which we have already referred.
Most of these gravels have been cleared away for

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 65

railway-ballast ; a typical section has been cut out
and cased, and is now preserved in the Royal Irish
Academy's collection housed in the National Museum.
Several accounts of the Latharna gravels have appeared
from time to time ; the best is a report presented to
the Belfast Naturalists' Field-Club by a committee
appointed for the purpose, and printed in their Pro-
ceedings (II, iii, 198). This committee excavated a
section of the gravels, measuring 9ft. by 5ft. in cross-
dimensions, to a depth of nearly 30 feet below the
surface of the ground ; at this level the influx of water
prevented further sinking. The contents of each
stratum passed through were carefully analysed.
The parts of this analysis relevant to our purpose
may here be abstracted.

The Latharna gravels were situated at the base of a
spit of sand, called from its curved shape Corran
(" sickle ") which juts into the water of the har-
bour. They form a stratified deposit above the
estuarine clay, which in its turn rests on the
boulder-clay. The boulder-clay is a glacial deposit ;
the estuarine clay an important post-glacial deposit.
This gives us a definite major limit of date for the
implements found on the site. Mr. Knowles, whose
many reports on the shore sites published in various
Journals must form the basis of any work done upon
the subject, has expressed it as his opinion that the
Latharna flints are Palaeolithic, or even pre-Palaeo-
lithic i1 and much has been made of a mammoth-tooth
which was found somewhere on the shore in the
neighbourhood of the gravels. But Palaeolithic, and
still less pre-Palaeolithic, tools cannot be embedded
in gravels which were formed over a post-glacial
deposit : for this proves that the beach was formed
after the close of the ice age, and therefore after the
conclusion of the Palaeolithic period. As for the
mammoth-tooth, there is no evidence that it had more
than an accidental connection with the gravels. It
was found lying loose, not set in a definite bed.

^PRIA, xvi, 209.

66 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

The following strata were observed by the committee
of investigation, in order from bottom to top : —

1. Estuarine clay.

2. Coarse black sand, stained in places with iron, i foot thick.
No implements.

3. Black clayey gravel. Very few implements : only two found,
giving an average of 0.04 to the cubic foot.

4. Thick bed of gravel, of coarse texture, with numerous
fossils ; towards the bottom the matrix is red and clayey. 8 feet
6 inches thick. Flakes were found sparingly through this bed,
as well as a few cores and one fine celt. The excavators divided
this bed into four sections, and found the average number of
implements to the cubic foot in these sections to be respectively
0.08, 0.37, 0.34, and 0.31, beginning with the lowest.

5. Alternating bands of fine gravel and sand, 3 feet 6 inches
thick. Hardly any implements ; average per cubic foot only 0.013.

6. Two beds of coarse gravel, the pebbles beiny up to 6 ins.
in diameter, with matrix of yellow sand ; the uppermost 18 inches
had been disturbed by cultivation. The depth of the upper stratum
was i ft. 6 ins., of the lower 4 ft. 6 ins. In the upper stratum there
were at least 10 implements to the cubic foot ; the lower stratum
had about the same proportion at the top, diminishing to nothing
at the bottom.

The gravels were apparently deposited by powerful
currents at a bar across the mouth of the loch of
Latharna. While they were in process of formation
human settlers established themselves upon them.
The first settlement was very small — perhaps a single
canoe-load — and so the implements in the lowest
layers are very scanty. As the settlement increased
the tools become more frequent. The belts of sand
between the layers of gravel seem to indicate temporary
fluctuations, involving a sinking of the land-level
which inundated the site of the settlement. On this
spit of sand the people found the molluscs that supplied
their needs, and they were conveniently removed
from the inland forests with their dreaded animals.

Mr. Coffey1 has maintained that the Latharna site
was not a dwelling-site, but rather a factory. The
arguments in favour of this view are (i) the presence

, xxv, 182.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 67

of cores in considerable quantities — an observation
that the Belfast Field-Club report, rather remarkably,
contradicts — and (ii) the absence of well-finished
tools and of other traces of human habitation, such
as shell-heaps, ashes, and the like. His theory is
that people came hither for materials for their tools,
roughed them out on the site, and carried them away
for final trimming at their homes.

Had this been the case, however, we should not
have found so complete a uniformity in the Latharna
tools as we actually do find. Rough though they be,
the Latharna flints conform to a definite type, com-
parable with the Campignian type of the Continent,
and they can be easily picked out from a pile of
miscellaneous Irish flints. Had we to deal with a
manufactory, we should have found tools in all stages
of manufacture, and also irregular waste flakes of
every possible shape. More cogent appears the second
argument : but we do not know that midden-heaps
may not actually exist in some part of the site as yet
undug, or that they may not have been washed away
by the sea, as has happened to whatever shell-heaps
there may have been on the western coast of Denmark.
The subsidiary implements — limpet-scoops and the
like — may here have been of wood, not of bone,
and may therefore have altogether perished.

Other inhabited traces of the 25-feet raised beach
have been found at Ceall Roid, Co. Antrim, and at
Port Ruis, in the same county, where we find a raised
beach in the middle of the town, in addition to the
later settlements of which traces have been found on
the existing beach.1

The implements found in these Raised Beach sites
will be more fully described later in this chapter.

VII. A hiatus must be admitted to exist between
the civilisation of the Raised Beaches and that of the
Sandhills. But as in the case of the hiatus between

1 W. J. Simpson, Notes on Worked Flints found on a Raised Beach
atPortrush, in August, 1882 (PRIA, xvii, p. 76).

68 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

the Palaeolithic and the Neolithic periods, the gap
is in our knowledge, not in the course of development.
All that can be said at present is that nothing has as
yet been found to throw light on the stages of history
that intervened in Ireland between the Campignian
settlements of the Raised Beaches and the much later
Neolithic of the earliest shore-dwellers. There are
two alternative explanations of the hiatus possible.
Either we may suppose a small body of colonists to
have landed at Latharna and at the allied sites, to have
confined themselves to those places, and there left
evidences of their industry — and then from one cause
or another perished utterly, leaving the country un-
inhabited till a later Neolithic colony came and
started afresh : or we may suppose the first band to
have developed, by processes as yet hidden from us,
the one civilisation out of the other. Only future
investigation can determine which of these alternatives
is correct.

If we are to adopt the theory of a continuous popula-
tion, it does not follow that we are to suppose that
there was a continuous development. For us, to whom
the modern inventions of locomotion are a prime
necessity for travel, it is difficult to realise that there
was no small intercourse between different tribes and
countries at a time when those inventions were un-
dreamt-of : when the only communication by land
was by canoes moving up and down the rivers, or
along tracks trampled down by cattle ; and the only
communication by sea was by hide-covered currachs.
The uniformity with which civilisation advanced over
Europe shews that there must have been free inter-
course between its different population-groups.
There must have been a first man to make a barbed
arrow-head, let us say; yet the knowledge of the
invention spread all over Europe. Even if half-a-
dozen, or fifty, or a thousand different people, in as
many different places, all hit independently on the
same invention, its diffusion is only a degree less
remarkable, when the total absence of writing and the

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 69

difficulties of transport are taken into account. In
this give-and-take of new inventions, even an over-sea
country like Ireland would have its share. If a body
of colonists could have rowed over from the nearest
points of Great Britain in the beginning, they could
have been followed by others at later stages of the
Stone Age, bringing with them a knowledge of the
later developments of civilisation.

On the whole, the most likely working hypothesis
to account for the observed phenomena of Neolithic
history in Ireland seems to be as follows. The first
people landed while they were still in the Campignian
stage of development. They continued for a long
time in the country, unprogressive, and confined to
the sites in the north-east corner of the country,
where alone they could be certain of obtaining flint.
When their kinsfolk in the larger island, thanks to
their proximity to the Continent, had made progress
in material civilisation, later colonies found their way
into Ireland and introduced the more developed arts
which we find illustrated in the older sandhills. This
theory is necessarily tentative, but in the present state
of knowledge seems to fit the facts.

VIII. The Shore-dwellers' or Sandhill sites are
frequent on the northern shores of Ireland, and
appear in lesser numbers elsewhere. When they
were deposited the land had attained the level at
which it at present stands. The squatters on the
sands built them rude huts of stone, round which
they heaped the remains of their feasts. They made
their implements of flint where they could get it, but,
failing flint, of whatever other stone came in their way.

The typical sandhill site is at Whitepark Bay, at
the eastern end of the Giants' Causeway. It has long
been known as a productive source of antiquities,
and has in consequence been systematically " hogged "
by tourists, collectors, and dealers' agents, so that by
now its glory is sadly diminished. Here and elsewhere
the loose sands of the dunes are ever shifting in the
winds. When an eddy of wind blows away the sand

70 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

from a spot in the dunes, it makes a hollow, sometimes
as much as fifty feet in depth. In the side of this
hollow is to be seen a black stratum. This is the old
shore level, and here are contained the relics left
behind by the old inhabitants. It is much more
compact than the loose sand which covers it, so that
it is less liable to denudation by the wind ; but it is
not altogether proof against violent blasts, and when
the sand-particles of the floor-level blow away, the
implements drop through to the bottom of the pit,
where they accumulate. Where there has been a
hearth-site, made of flat stones, the layer of stones
composing the hearth protects the sand underneath
it from disturbance ; thus there is apt to be a small
mound formed in the middle of the pit, capped by
the layer of flat stones. The hearths are identified
as such by the burnt condition of the stones composing
them, and by the accumulation of ashes above, around,
and under them. The ashes of fires blown about,
and the decomposition of organic matter, has caused
the black colour of the old surface, which is almost
a constant feature of the Sandhill sites.1

As illustrating the former wealth of Whitepark
Bay, I may borrow the following particulars from a
paper by Mr. Knowles.2 A space on the old surface
measuring 80 square feet was marked out, and its
contents catalogued. It contained :

2 poorly-made arrow-heads.
21 scrapers.
44 cores.
277 flakes.

13 hammer-stones.

A few pieces of haematite, scraped and rubbed. .

14 pieces of plain pottery.

4 pieces of ornamental pottery.

A coarse implement of deer's horn, rudely pointed.

A quantity of bones, teeth, and shells.

1 This description is founded on the account given by Mr.
Knowles, in JAI, ix, 321.
2PRIA, xvii, 617.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 71

Specimen sections of the implement-bearing sand
are cased and exhibited in the museums of Dublin
and of Belfast.

Though these sites are certainly Neolithic in origin,
it does not necessarily follow that all the sites of this
nature are so ancient. The absence of metal does not
by any means prove a stone-age date for any site. A
stone tool, judiciously sharpened, may be the cheapest
and even the most effective tool at any time for such
a purpose as the extraction of a mollusc from its
shell. Pottery has been found at Whitepark Bay and
elsewhere indistinguishable from bronze-age and even
iron-age pottery. The investigation of a site of the
kind requires to be carried out with care and judgment,
and the conclusions should not be stated with an over-
confident, dogmatism.

The stone used for the implements found in the
Sandhill sites is always the stone found locally. This
naturally is flint in places where flint is procurable.
At Whitepark Bay there is an abundance of good flint,
which is the reason why that site is, or was, so rich
in well-fashioned implements. On the western coast
where flint does not occur naturally, as for instance
in Counties Mayo, Galway, and Clare, the local
stones are used. As these are often not really suitable
for making tools, the implements are not infrequently
so rude and formless that they would scarcely be
recognised as human workmanship at all, unless the
finder has had a previous acquaintance with the types
at which the manufacturers were aiming.

Among the tools and the ornaments of stone and
of bone, are scattered the shells and bones remaining
from the feasts of the shore-dwellers. The animals
represented are ox (Bos longifrons), sheep, goat,
pig, fox, wolf, and red deer. At Cuan Bhaile Lugha,
in Co. Down, bones of the Irish elk have been found
in the ancient layer1 : and we have already referred
to the bear's tooth found at Cuan Tragha Li. The

1 UJA, II, iv, 44. /The volume of bibliography will include a
detailed list of shore-dwellers' sites, where references will be found.

72 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

long bones are usually split to extract the marrow.
The birds represented are great auk (at Whitepark
Bay and' in an iron-age site at Whitechurch in Co.
Waterford), goose, gull, and a few others. Fish-bones
have seldom been noted, but this is most likely due to
careless observation or to imperfect recording : fish-
bones are insignificant and perishable things, and might
easily escape notice. We can scarcely believe that
such omnivorous people as the shore-dwellers neglected
fish in providing for their larders. Cod bones were
found at Whitepark Bay, and if looked for they would
doubtless be found elsewhere. On the other hand,
shell-fish was evidently the staple diet. Everywhere
there are to be found piles of shells, principally oyster,
mussel, periwinkle, cockle, scallop, and whelk. Some-
times the shells found are such as would not now
naturally occur on the site. At Baile na nEas, Co.
Donegal, oyster shells appear in the middens, though
the oyster is no longer found locally. At Ros na
Beinne in the same county a shell of Venus verrucosa
was found, a species not now living in the seas of
Ireland.1

The dog-whelk has been found in various sites,
and has been made the subject of much curious specu-
lation as to whether it was used for food, or as a
source of supply of " Tyrian purple." It is unlikely
that the shore-dwellers troubled their heads about
purple dye : the quotations from Irish historical
romances about the gorgeous robes of kings and others
that have been brought forward are inept, shewing a
want of the sense of historical perspective. We cannot
argue from the historic, or the semi-historic, to the pre-
historic, in such a free-and-easy way : a simple canon
of archaeological research, often forgotten with fatal
results by those who draw parallels between Irish
literature and Irish antiquities. This was the rock
on which O 'Curry was shipwrecked, and many after
him have met the same fate. Of course if in eating

1 PRIA, xix, 656.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 73

a dog-whelk the feaster found himself besmeared
with the dye, he would be as delighted as a small boy
of modern times when he discovers that his person
displays the traces of indulgence in fresh walnuts.
I am not troubled by the fact that the dog-whelk is
not now supposed to be fit for food. Mr. Knowles
tells a story which he heard in Co. Donegal, about
certain shipwrecked French sailors who would eat
nothing but this despised mollusc.1 The story is
hardly needed to corroborate the principle that primi-
tive man will eat anything he can bite, so long as it is
not actively poisonous, or hedged round by a religious
or a social tabu ; but it is as well, perhaps, that the
incident should have been put on record. Another
point worth notice is that in the Irish midden-heaps
the whelk-shells are, when broken, smashed in pieces,
as though they had been crushed by a blow between
stones. The shells in the enormous heaps which I
have had an opportunity of examining on the sea-
shore at Tyre, doubtless the relics of the purple
industry which made that ancient city famous, shew
a different treatment : they are all perforated, as with
a sharp-pointed instrument, in the neighbourhood
of the sac containing the colouring fluid. By the
rough-and-ready method of the Irish deposits the
dye would have been lost. Besides, the amount of
colouring matter secreted by each mollusc is so small,
that the quantity of the shells would need to be much
greater in proportion than it actually is to justify us in
supposing that they were collected for the purpose
of extracting the dye.

The sea-shells are sometimes mixed together, but
often the different species are kept apart — mussels
here, whelks there, periwinkles elsewhere. This means
that large quantities of each species were collected
at once, and eaten in a single feast.

Thus we gather a picture of a series of communities
living along the shore, and spreading gradually round
the whole of Ireland. They had a fairly uniform

1 PRIA, xxi, 437.

74 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

civilisation, though there was little mutual inter-
course— otherwise a trade in flint would doubtless
have developed. They lived on the produce of the
sea, as well as on trapped animals and birds. They
cultivated grain, and ground it between rubbing-
stones. They stained themselves with ochre, but
their claim to a use of " Tyrian purple " is, to say
the least, non-proven.

Their gradual penetration inland, up the rivers
which afforded an easy highway into the interior of
the country, is illustrated by a site found near Ormeau
Bridge in Belfast.1 In sand deposit on the banks of
the Lagan were found a flake apparently trimmed
for putting on a shaft, a hollow scraper, and a very
irregularly made polished axe-head, as well as a large
number of flakes and small cores, scrapers with
rounded ends, a knife, and a leaf-shaped arrow-head.
This site was of especial interest in that it overlay a
Raised Beach site, representing the older phase in
Neolithic culture. It contained flakes, cores, a chipped
pick, and a bone of a red deer.

IX. Factory-sites are identified by the absence of
hearths, bones, shells, and other kitchen refuse which
mark the ordinary dwelling-sites ; and by the presence
of tools at different stages of manufacture — some
merely roughed out, others more or less complete.
These sites are of importance in archaeological study,
as they illustrate the processes of manufacture of the
various kinds of stone implement.

Several sites of manufactories of stone axes have
been found by Mr. Knowles in the valleys near
Gleann Arma, Co. Antrim.2 They yielded cores,
hammer-stones, scrapers, and flakes, as well as picks
and other stone tools. Except these tools, there were
no other traces of human occupation. The great
number of the stone objects will be realised from the
fact that from two sites in this district Mr. Knowles

1 Described in UJA, II, v, 5.

2PRIA, xvii, 619; BNFC, 1905, p. 421.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 75

collected over 2,500 axes, of which 2,262 were chipped
and 240 were ground. Another factory site has been
found at Fisher Street, Co. Clare.1 One good hammer-
stone was found here, as well as celts at all stages of
manufacture.

X. The fourth class of shore sites, which I have
here called shell-heaps, are, in Ireland, distinguished
from the other sites by the total absence of anything
but shells. There are no huts, no hearths — except
a few traces of fires which appear to have been kindled
directly upon the piles of shells already accumulated —
and no implements, except rude wedges of stone that
could have been used for forcing open bivalve mol-
luscs, or for scooping them out of their shells. This
absence of implements shews that these shell-heaps
were not places of permanent abode : and the absence
of datable objects makes it impossible to assign them
to any definite period. Rather are they to be regarded
as places whither people came to collect shellfish for
consumption elsewhere : and they are not necessarily
of any great antiquity. Indeed there is at least one,
at Inis, Co. Kerry, which is still in process of forma-
tion. Unshelled molluscs are hawked about the
western towns of Ireland, especially on Fridays, and
it is most probable that these heaps are the remains
of this humble industry. That the fishers themselves
indulged from time to time in a banquet on the spot
would be no more than natural, and thus the traces
of fire remaining here and there in the heaps are
•easily accounted for. The shellfish may have been
cooked for sale, as well as being shelled, upon the site
where they were collected.

XL By the end of the Stone Age, man had found
his way over the whole of Ireland, in spite of the
difficulties in his way. This is shown, inter alia, by
the distribution of the dolmens, of which we shall
speak in the proper place, in a later chapter. But the
inland sites, by which his progress might be traced,

1PRIA, xxii, 355, 388.

76 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

are very little known, and what has been published
has been very imperfectly described.

As an example of cave sites, we may take that of
Baile na mBaintreabhach, in Co. Waterford, between
Dun Garbhain and Ceapach.1 There are here a
number of caves in the limestone cliffs : and that
mentioned was explored in 1879, with results which
may be here summarised.

1. The cave was in the first instance formed by the action of
an underground stream, which deposited gravel on the floor. There
were no bones in this gravel.

2. The stream dried up, apparently gradually and with inter-
missions. A bed of stalagmite then formed over the alluvial gravel.
This stalagmite in places attained a thickness of 3 feet 6 inches.
At 24 feet from the entrance it came to within 6 inches of the cave
roof, thereby blocking the interior recesses of the cave to all animals
larger than a fox. Accordingly no animal remains were found in
the cave beyond this point.

While the stalagmite was being formed, bears made their abode
in the cave. The bones of deer were also found ; these had probably
been dragged in by the bears. The only other animal represented
at this period was the frog.

3. Water washed into the cave and gradually removed some
of the underlying gravel. The stalagmite layer, thus deprived of
its support, became broken up. A pale sandy earth, apparently
decomposed Old Red Sandstone, was washed in by the water, and
in the layer of this material the fragments of the stalagmite floor
became embedded.

Bones of bears and of hares (numerous), pig (few), and rabbit,
deer, wolf, ox, and elk (one each) were found in this layer. Most
of them had probably sunk down from the stratum next above.

One human finger-bone was said by the workmen to have been
found in this layer, but it also appeared to belong to the stratum
above.

No implements ; some charcoal, washed through crevices from
the upper stratum.

4. Over the sandy soil a layer of grey earth was gradually
accumulated by water action. Seams of calc tufa occurred at inter-
vals through this stratum.

Bones were found of Irish elk, bear, hare, ox, red deer, pig,
rabbit, goat, fox, wolf, badger, marten.

Twelve fragments of human bones were also found. These
bones belonged to the stratum.

1 Scientific Transactions, Royal Dublin Society, New Series, i
0877-1883), p. 177.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 77

Charcoal was abundant, forming a seam like a hearth or an
old floor. The artificially pointed bone of a goat was found, as
well as many rude hammer-stones of sandstone.

The Irish elk bones were broken for the marrow, and there was
an undue proportion of leg bones. This shewed that the human
occupants of the cave hunted the elk, cutting it up where they
killed it. and carrying into the cave the eatable portions of the
carcase : a clear proof that the Irish elk and man were contemporary
in Ireland.

5. A stratum of brown earth formed over the grey earth, also
washed in by water. The stream had for some reason ceased to
be charged with carbonate of lime, which was the^cause of the
change of colour of the earth.

Bones were found of rabbit, hare, goat, ox, fox, pig, red deer,
dog, marten, horse, hedgehog, and a bear, the last-named probably
dug up from a lower stratum. It will be noticed that the elk has
now disappeared.

Nineteen fragments of human bones were found.

A polished celt, a bone piercer, a perforated bone, a bone needle,
two fragments of pottery, and a few hammer-stones, which were
found in this stratum, were enough to date it to the latter part of
the Neolithic period. The stratification of the implements was
quite clear : the only disturbances were a chisel of bone, and a
very late knife-handle (said to belong to about the sixth century
A.D. ). These were accidentally washed down into stratum 4
through a drainage crevice.

6. The accumulation of the earth of stratum 5 continued until
the piled-up material came too near to the roof to allow of the cave
continuing as a habitation, and so it was at last abandoned.

XII. These results speak for themselves. I have
thought them worth setting forth thus at length as a
good example of how a careful excavation can teach
us the whole history of a site. We can see the gradual
improvement in tools, the disappearance of certain
animals, the entrance of others on the stage : in short,
the whole drama of life can be followed, by minute
observance of the stratification of such a bed of accu-
mulation as this. It cannot be expressed too strongly
that it is a fatal error to suppose that excavations of
this kind are conducted for the purpose of finding
things. The objective is facts. The actual money
value of the objects found in this cave, even with the
ridiculously inflated prices which dealers set upon

78 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

antiquities nowadays, was very small. But owing to
the care with which the excavation was carried out,
they acquired a scientific value beyond all price.

Too many sites of the kind have been dug with the
mere purpose of finding loot. The stratification has
been neglected, and the result has been like a book of
which the leaves have all been torn out and mixed up ;
indeed, it has been worse, for the leaves preserve a
sufficient number of clues to enable us to sort them,
but prehistoric strata once mixed up cannot with cer-
tainty be completely restored. But even when the
stratification has been noted it must be critically
studied : otherwise it can be misleading. A good
example of its dangers may be seen in some observa-
tions and deductions made by Rev. J. O'Laverty,
regarding antiquities found in the Banna at Port
Gleanna Eoin.1 I do not quote this to disparage the
writer or his work. On the contrary, he displays an
instinct for scientific observation that we seek in vain
in many others. And it would not be fair to find fault
with an author, writing so long ago as 1857, for not
knowing facts that have become common property
since then. But the illustration is so good, as showing
how a careful observer may be led astray in his deduc-
tions, that I cannot forbear quoting it.

The river had been partly diverted in order to
deepen it ; and it was found that its bed was prin-
cipally of a whitish clay, over which was a layer of
sand and small stones, ranging in depth from 6 to 14
inches, and containing many antiquities.

At the bottom were arrow-heads of light grey flint, barbed and
lozenge-shaped, the latter being the commoner : a fragment of
bronze, apparently part of a javelin-head or a knife-blade : and a
grey flint celt.

In the middle were bronze swords, daggers, and a bronze scab-
bard, as well as many bronze spear-heads, some of them still
retaining part of their wooden handles.

At the top were black polished celts, and what the author calls
rude spear-heads (he should have said javelin-heads) of reddish
coloured flint.

1 UJA, I, v, 122.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 79

The author of the paper concluded that the top
objects were the latest, the swords, etc., being older,
and the arrow-heads older still. The flaw in his
reasoning was that he neglected to allow for the flow
of the river. We now know from hundreds of finds
that swords and spear-heads are a late development
of the Bronze Age ; the middle stratum is therefore
in this case the latest. The arrow-heads in the bottom
stratum might be as late as these, the smaller objects
having dropped through crevices between stones,
which would prevent the larger objects from following
them. The celts and rude flints, so far from being
the latest, were the earliest objects from the site.
Assuming the accuracy of the statement that they
were on top — we do not know whether the writeV
spoke from his own observation or from information
supplied by the workmen — these must have washed
down the river from some site higher up its course.1

We may now proceed to describe the tools and
implements left behind by the people of the Neolithic
period in Ireland. Naturally we begin with the
objects in flint and other stones, which are the most
important and typical remains of the handiwork of
Neolithic man.

XIII. Flint is a siliceous concretion formed in
favourable circumstances round sponges or other
organic nuclei, and found in layers embedded in the
chalk cliffs which are the results of submarine depo-
sition. There is reason to believe that large areas of
Ireland was once covered with chalk, having seams of

1 Sometimes there are disconcerting incongruities to be found
in archaeological deposits. Thus at Ros Ercain, Co. Antrim, an
urn of the Bronze Age was found inverted over a cremated interment:
in the deposit under the urn was a small seventeenth-century glass
bottle [JRSAI, xxi, 433 ff]. The explanation of the intrusion is
probably that given by the Rev. G. R. Buick in describing the find —
that it had been disturbed in an age when the belief in fairies and
other uncanny influences was stronger than itjs now, and that the
discoverer had replaced it reverently, with a bottle of holy water
to avert any possible harm from himself.

8o IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

flint running through it j1 but except in one place
this has all been denuded out of existence by atmos-
pheric action, leaving no trace but occasional flint
nodules lying on the surface of the ground. That
one place is the north-east corner of the island, where
a thick bed of basalt overlies the chalk — as may be
seen, for example, by visitors to Port Ruis. On the
shore between the town of Port Ruis and the Giants'
Causeway the sea has had its will of the chalk, and has
cut it into all sorts of fantastic forms. But above,
the thick " blanket " of basalt protects the soft rock
lying underneath, and thus it is only on the vertical
face of the cliff that denudation can take place.

Here flint is found in inexhaustible quantities.
There is a great accumulation of nodules under the
basalt, showing that surface denudation had gone on
to a considerable extent before the basalt had spread
over the cliffs to protect what was left of them. These
nodules were once deposited in layers, in an upper
part of the cliff which had been weathered away before
the time of the basalt. As the process of denudation
advances, the nodules become more and more exposed,
and finally drop out from the face of the cliff to the
foot, where there is a great accumulation. Good
flint was thus to be had for the picking up, and did
not need to be mined for, as was the case in other
countries.

Where flint is not to be found, the Neolithic people
were forced to use whatever stones they could get as
substitutes. Chief of these was chert. Chert is in
origin similar to flint, and resembles it in appearance,
but is less glossy ; it is more brittle than flint, and
does not break with so clean a fracture. It is distribu-
ted fairly widely over Ireland, and makes a tolerable
substitute for flint whenever the latter stone is not
available.

But other stones, even less satisfactory, were pressed
into the service. It is clear that those who were com-

, xxx, B, pp. 12, 13.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 81

pelled by their geographical position to be content
with these less tractable stones endeavoured to copy
the forms of implements which had evolved naturally
from the use of flint — though this was a feat difficult,
if not impossible, to accomplish satisfactorily. This
indicates that the dwellers in the less favoured parts,
where flint is absent or only to be found in occasional
loose nodules, had originally come from a flint-bearing
region ; that the first landing had been effected in
the north-east corner of the country, and that as the
population increased they gradually spread further
round the coast, as well as inland.

XIV. The development of civilisation during the
Neolithic period is marked, in all countries, first by
a growth of technical skill on the making of the tools,
and then by a growth of specialisation. Technical
skill may, it is true, co-exist with a low stage of culture,
as is shown by the artistic and ingenious handiworks
of South Sea Islanders to be seen in any ethnological
museum. Specialisation is a better indication of the
stage of material culture attained by a community,
whether we consider the man himself or his tools.
The primitive savage has to be his own hunter, butcher,
skinner, cook, tailor, builder, law-giver, medicine-
man, soldier, sailor, and undertaker. The functions
of law-giver and of medicine-man early separate
themselves from the rest, and become the privileges
of certain individuals ; but the growth of specialisa-
tion in the other crafts is gradual, and we may measure
the scale of civilisation according as it is developed.
The same is true of the tools of man. He begins with
the " universal flake " or chopper, which serves all
purposes. The flake of early Neolithic man is to the
tools of later Neolithic man what the schoolboy's
pocket-knife is to the tools that a grown man needs
for his work. The schoolboy fashions a toy boat,
pares his pencil, trims his nails, opens the pages of
uncut books, and indulges in surreptitious dormitory
suppers with the one tool. The grown man needs a
whole armoury of tools for boat-building, and uses
F

82 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

a pencil-sharpener, a nail-scissors } a paper-cutter, and
a dinner-knife for the other purposes named.

We can divide the Neolithic culture in Ireland into
three stages, which we may term the Raised Beach
stage, the Sandhill stage, and the Overlap stage — the
last being so named because it falls into the period
of transition between the Age of Stone and the Age
of Bronze.

XV. The tools and implements of the Raised Beach
stage are few in number. No bone implement or
pottery has been as yet found in any of the Raised
Beach sites. The only tools to be described are there-
fore flints. The flints of Latharna and allied sites
have been very fully described and illustrated by
Mr. Coffey,1 and the following account of them is to a
very large extent based upon his work.

Cores. These are the waste hearts of the nodules
of flint, remaining after the serviceable flakes have
been struck off". The Belfast Field-Club committee
failed to find many cores in their researches, though
from other accounts there seems to have been a large
supply available, at all depths where worked flints
were to be found at all. Cores are irregular lumps
of flint, usually roughly spherical or cylindrical,
displaying all round the facets remaining after the
flakes required had been struck off. They measure
from 3 to 5 inches in length.

Flakes. A Flake is a splinter of flint that has been
chipped from the parent block by human agency.
When the fracture is due to natural causes other terms,
such as spall or chip, are to be preferred. The nature
of flint is such that a sharp tap dislodges a flake from
the nodule with a break almost as smooth and as clean
as the surface of a sheet of glass — it is this character
that makes flint so conspicuously suitable for making
implements. A flake that has been artificially struck
off displays peculiarities that are not shared by splin-
ters naturally broken. One of the peculiarities is

1 PRIA, xxv, C 172.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 83

the bulb of percussion. If flint were malleable, like
a lump of lead, the blow would produce a dent on
the surface. It is, however, slightly elastic, and so
the point at which the hammer strikes the surface is
driven into the flint, and the particles afTected directly
or indirectly by the blow are condensed more tightly
together. These condensed particles cleave away
from those which are left undisturbed ; and as the
influence of the blow spreads out as a cone through
the body of the flint, the surface of the fracture is
massed as a lump just under the point where the blow
was struck.1 If the blow be struck in the middle of
the nodule, the lump will take the form of a perfect
cone : if the blow fall near the edge, the cone will
not be so perfect ; for the flake, unsupported by the
thickness of the nodule, will break off before the cone
is completed. There will, however, be a lump or
protuberance on the flake just under where the impact
of the hammer has taken place. This lump, which
is called the bulb of percussion, is one of the chief
indications by which an artificial flake is distinguished
from a natural spall : and the diagnosis is corrobo-
rated if the reversed impressions of similar conchoids
appear in the subordinate facets, the places where
splinters have been struck off to trim the tool to its
final shape. But it should be said that it is impossible
to give hard-and-fast rules for distinguishing between
artificial flakes and natural chips. There is no absolute
criterion : nothing but long experience will develop
an instinct for telling the true from the false ; and it
may even be questioned whether the longest experience
can guarantee such an instinct to be absolutely in-
fallible in every case that may arise.

The Latharna flakes present peculiarities that dis-
tinguish them from those found in the Sandhill sites.
They are as a rule rectangular, or of a long narrow
oval shape, between 3 and 4 inches in length. Broader

1 This description of the formation of the bulb of percussion is
adapted from Sir J. Evan?, Ancient Stone Implements, p. 274.

84 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

flakes, of a squarer form, are also found, and, in the
surface deposits, some very neatly made flakes were
found, pointed at one end. On the whole, the
flakes of the Raised Beach sites are coarser than
are those of the Sandhills. Mr. CoflPey remarks on a
large number which are of a wedge shape, with the
bulb of percussion in the narrow end, the opposite
end being broad and thick, and often bearing a portion
of the outer calcareous crust of the nodule.

" Celts." The' Latharna celt, inaccurately so-
called, differs essentially from the latter celt, described
below. It is a bar of flint, 6 to 7 inches in length,
rudely chipped, and brought to a blunt point
at both ends. Having no cutting edge, it cannot
properly be described as a celt, if that objectionable
word is to be retained at all. On the other hand,
there is too much uniformity in the type to allow us
to regard it as a mere " blank," that is, a roughed-out
tool to be afterwards shaped into a celt. The tool is
really a pick ; and it is identical with the Campignian
pick of France and elsewhere. This shews us to which
of the transitional forms of culture we are to assign
the Irish Raised Beach remains.

Chisel-axes. This identification of the Raised Beach
sites as Campignian would lead us to expect to find
chisel-axes of the kokkenmodding type in the remains
of Raised Beach settlements. Such are, however,
comparatively rare in Ireland, and they are not to any
degree so characteristic of the Campignian phase of
civilisation in this country as are the picks. A few,
however, have been described, such as those from
Port Ruis described by Mr. Knowles, of which three
are here shown.

Flints of these early types have also been found at
some of the Sandhill sites — notably at Portstewart
and at Whitepark Bay. They are distinguished from
the later flints partly by their form, and partly by
their patination. Patination is a colouring that flint
assumes, derived from the soil in which it is embedded.
Certain ingredients of the soil, such as manganese

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 85

or iron, penetrate into the surface of the flint and stain
it ; the result naturally varies with the nature of the
soil and with the disintegrating influences to which the
flint has been exposed . This process always requires
a considerable time to effect. Flint that has long

FIG. 3 — CAMPIGNIAN CHISEL AXES FROM PORT Ruis

lain exposed to the air, and thus has not been embedded
in soil capable of colouring it, is deprived of its natural
colour by the disintegrating influence of the atmos-
phere, and assumes a creamy porcelain-like appearance.
This is the case of the Latharna flints, especially
those from the uppermost stratum of the Raised Beach.
The early flints found at Whitepark Bay and at
Portstewart are very deeply patinated, whereas the
later flints are often not patinated at all. This does
not mean that when the later flints were made the
earlier were already of a greater antiquity than the
later flints are now ; such a deduction, though obvious
and attractive, is by no means inevitable. It rather
means that between the times when the old and the
new flints were made the former were lying in a bed
favourable to patination. It is not infrequently found
that the later inhabitants have picked up one of the
earlier flints, and have retouched it to make it serve
their purpose. When this is the case, the older patin-

86 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

ation will naturally appear on the original surface
of the implement, and will be removed from the place
where the later people have removed flakes.

XVI. We now turn to the series of types from the
Sandhills.

Cores. These, as before; are the wraste products,
the hearts of the original nodules thrown away after
the serviceable flakes have been struck off (fig. 4).
Where flint does not naturally occur, the cores are
much smaller ; and the further we go from the regular
sources of supply the smaller do they become, till at
last they disappear altogether. Somewhere about

FIG 4 — FLINT CORE
Provenance unknown, in Royal Irish Academy's collection.

the mouth of the Boinn on the east coast, and of the
Banna on the north coast, are points that mark the
limits of the area in which waste cores are to be found.
Outside that area flint was too valuable to be thrown
away, and the smallest scrap was utilised in one way
or another.

Flakes. To classify flint flakes completely is a
practical impossibility, and it may be questioned
whether it is desirable to attempt to do so. There

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 87

are a large number of intermediate forms between
every two varieties, on any system that might be
adopted, and these prevent our distributing the
specimens into hard-and-fast compartments. Some
flakes by their shape are suitable for use as knives,
others as javelin-heads, others again as scrapers ; but
we cannot always say with certainty that such were
actually the purposes for which they were made and
used. A typical flake, with the several parts indicated,
is shewn in fig. 5.

FIG. 5 — SPECIMEN OF A FLINT FLAKE

A, the Striking-plane ; B, the Bulb of Percussion, with C, its
Conchoid ; D, the ridge separating the facets E.

Generally, however, it may be said that the flake
implements found in Ireland are triangular in shape —
the triangle not being necessarily isosceles or even
rectilinear, though more or less approximating to
that shape. On the one face is the smooth inner
surface of the flake, the side which was in contact
with the parent nodule, with the bulb of percussion.
On the other faces the removal of two or sometimes
three principal flakes has brought the instrument to
the desired shape. The butt is trimmed by means of

88 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

what is known as secondary chipping — a delicate
subordinate flaking by which the instrument receives
a final form. Sometimes this secondary chipping of
the butt is so contrived as to give it the shape of an
incipient tang.

That such a flake, with, a suitable mounting, could
be used for a knife, a dagger, or a javelin-point, is
obvious. But in the absence of the mounting, which
has in practically every case decayed away, it is im-
possible to do more than guess the purpose for which
the last may have been used. There is one flake in
existence round the butt of which is wrapped a wad
of moss that served as a handle : this object, preserved
by some wonderful chance, was found in the river
Banna, and is now in the R.I.A. collection (fig. 6).

FIG. 6— FLINT FLAKE WITH HANDLE OF Moss

Awls and Borers. In a variety of this form of tool
the secondary chipping is applied to the tip and
edges of the flake, in such a way as to produce what
was probably a boring tool (fig. 6). A large number

FIG. 7 — FLINT BORERS FOUND IN OR NEAR THE RIVER BANNA

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 89

of borers, of very small size, have been yielded by
the shore settlements of Grainnse M6r, Co. Donegal.
Scrapers. Scrapers are a further adaptation of
flakes, with or without a pointed tip. In these tools
the edge is trimmed by secondary chipping, sometimes
at the end (end-scrapers), sometimes at the side (side-
scrapers) of the implement : sometimes the chipping
is to be seen round the whole periphery of the flake.
There is, indeed, a great variety of scrapers, under
which general term it is possible that a number of

FIG. 8 — SCRAPERS

tools with different purposes are grouped — chief
among which would be the cleaning and dressing of
the hides of animals for making garments (fig. 8). Mr.
Knowles has calculated that scrapers form about 60
or 70 per cent, of the implements found at the Sand-
hills : if anything this is an under-estimate. Some

90 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

of these tools are mere flakes, while others are very
carefully manufactured, with long or short scraping
edges formed by slight secondary chipping. Some
have tang-like handles, others have broad blunt blades.

FIG. SA — SCRAPERS

In dealing with rude tools of this nature it is pos-
sible, as in the case of flakes, to overdo minuteness
of classification, without any compensating advantage.
Though there may be a variety of implements classed
together under the one name " scraper," it is hardly
possible for us to separate them without risk of error.
Many descriptive names — " horse-shoe scraper,"
"duck-bill," "kite-shaped," "circular," and the like—
have been devised, but are of very little practical
value. One name, however, may be retained with
advantage, " spoon-shaped scraper," denoting a
specific variety, of which a number of specimens have
been found. In this the scraping edge is formed
wholly or partly around an approximately circular
disc of flint, from which a handle-like appendage
projects (fig. 9).

FIG. SB. — SCRAPERS AND HOLLOW SCRAPERS

92 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Hollow scrapers are found in some, but not in all,
of the Sandhill sites : they are absent from some that
are rich in other forms of implement. The peculiarity
distinguishing this type is a semi-circular notch in
the edge. Some writers call these implements " saws,"
and have shewn that bones can be cut with them
when used after the manner of saws. But, on the

FIG. 9 — SPOON-SHAPED SCRAPER

whole, a non-committal name is preferable. A more
probable theory of their use, in the opinion of the
present writer, is that they were for planing smooth
the shafts of arrows or of javelins, or similar curved
surfaces. Some examples will be seen in fig. SB

Mr. Knowles has figured a scraper1 which, he con-
siders, combines in one tool a straight edged and a
hollow scraper together. To judge from the illustra-
tion, however, the hollow is hardly deep enough.

Knives. By chipping away one edge of a flake,
and leaving the other, either intact or touched up with
secondary chipping, a knife is produced. This form
(the couteau a dos rabattu of French archaeologists)
is not infrequent in Ireland.

Saws. A further modification — denticulating the
cutting edge of a knife of the type just described —
produces a saw (fig. 10).

Daggers. Among the finest implements in flint
found in Europe are the beautifully made daggers,
with handle and blade complete, chipped out of a
single flint nodule, characteristic of Scandinavia.
It is highly improbable that these weapons are older
than the Bronze Age : indeed they have all the

1 PRIA, xvii, 182 and accompanying plate.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 93

appearance of being an attempt to imitate, in the less
tractable flint, the beauty and finish of an implement
in bronze. Nothing comparable with the excellence
of these weapons has been found in Ireland, but

FIG. 10 — FLINT SAWS

objects designed on the same principle are not un-
known. Such are a dagger (fig n) in the Royal Irish
Academy collection (provenance unknown) : and an-
other, more nearly resembling the Scandinavian type

FIG. ii — FLINT DAGGER

but of inferior technique, found in the bed of a dried
lake at Scairbh, Co. Clare.1 It is described as being
if inches across at the widest part of the blade, and
5! inches long. The top is slightly broken (fig. IIA).

1 R. Day, Danish Spear-head [sic]. JRSAI, xxv, 176. The writer
of this note seems to have had no doubt of the Danish origin of
the object, and offers some strangely anachronistic theories as to
how it may have found its way to Ireland,

FIG. IIA — FLINT DAGGER

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 95

Arrow-heads and Javelin-heads. These are the
most artistic of the flint objects that have come down
to us. They fall into series, distinguished by their

FIG. 12— TYPES OF ARROW AND JAVELIN HEADS

96 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

shapes, like the scrapers ; they may be oval, triangular,
amygdaloid (lozenge-shaped), or leaf-shaped ; further
they may be tanged or tangless, barbed or barbless.
A triangular head with the base hollowed is perhaps
the commonest form. Different types are found in
the same hoard, so that no ethnological or chronolo-
gical importance attaches to such classifications.
Javelin-heads are distinguished from arrow-heads
by their superior size (fig. 12).

These weapons were fitted on to their shafts by
splitting the end of the latter and inserting the head,
a band of gut being tightly tied round the end to
prevent the flint from dropping out. Two examples
are reported of arrow-heads having been found with
part of the shaft and of the gut ligature remaining :
one of these from Baile an Choillin, in King's Co., now
in the possession of Cambridge University : the other
from Kanestown, Co. Antrim.1

FIG. 13— ARROW-HEAD IN THE ORIGINAL SHAFT

Large weapons of this type are sometimes called
spear-heads. The name is, however, inexact. A
spear differs from a javelin, assegai, or harpoon, in
that it is retained in the hand of its wielder, while they
are thrown at the person or animal attacked. Hacl
spears been invented in the Stone Age we should have
found bronze spear-heads appearing at a very early
date in the bronze Age ; whereas they are quite a
late evolution. A javelin, which when once cast might
never be recovered, would not be tipped with bronze,
for the metal was too valuable to waste on such extra-
vagant weapons. Many of the well-made arrow-heads
and javelin-heads of flint are most probably of the
Bronze Age. Indeed, some of them display the

1 Wilde, Catalogue p. 254 : JRSAI xvii,p. 126.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 97

influence of bronze-age shapes reacting upon them,
as we shall see later. Arrow-heads are most frequently
found in the flint-bearing region of the North of
Ireland, but they are not unknown elsewhere in the

FIG. 14 — UNFINISHED ARROW-HEAD (PROVENANCE UNRECORDED)

country. A good specimen from Co. Cork is reported
in the Cork Archaeological Society's Journal, 1907,
page 197. The unfinished example, fig. 14, is especially
interesting as illustrating the process of manufacture.
Hammer-stones. These are simply pebbles of a
convenient size for manipulation, made of any stone
hard enough for the purpose. They were chiefly
used for striking off flakes from the flint core, but
would naturally be employed for any other purpose
that required such a tool. They are to be recognised by
the crushed and scratched marks which indicate where
the striking end has been (fig. 15). Where there is an

FIG. 15 — HAMMERSTONES

abundance of suitable stone, hammer-stones are not
often found, for the simple reason that the artificer
G

98 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

picked up any pebble that came handy, and threw it
away when it had served his purpose ; it was therefore
not long enough in use to receive permanent marks of
wear. On the other hand, when the supply of suitable
stones was limited, we may find a stone that was used
so much as to be reduced to a spherical shape as the
result of hammering over its whole surface.

Anvil-stones. Mr. Knowles has given this name,
probably with reason, to a class of stone objects found
in the majority of the implement-bearing sandhills.
These are flat oval slabs of stone, of very different
sizes — some are only three or four inches across,
others large and heavy — with a depression, sometimes
on one, more frequently on both faces (fig. 16). This

FIG. 1 6 — ANVIL STONE

depression is understood to have been caused by the
use of the stone as a table, or as an anvil, in the course
of the manufacture of flint implements.

These have also been called " oval tool-stones," the
depressions being supposed to have been intentionally
made, for the grip of the fingers and thumb. Many of
the stones, however, are too large to be thus gripped,
nor are the depressions in a convenient place, or of a
convenient shape, for the purpose ; in fact the useful-
ness of the tool as a hammer is not as a rule improved
by this treatment. The " anvil " theory is therefore
preferable.

Fabricators. The fine chipping which distinguished
the better made arrow-heads and knives must have

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 99

been made, not by means of the hammer which struck
off the rough flakes, but with a specially prepared
punch. Such a punch is the small tool called a fabri-
cator, which greatly resembles the Campignian pick

FIG. 17 — FABRICATOR] fH

^/
in miniature. It was fused in pressing off the

minute chips by the removal of which the tool or
weapon under manufacture was brought to its final
shape and finish.

Mr. Knowles has described wedge-shaped pieces
of flint with blunt faces and stout back " probably
used in the manufacture of scrapers and arrow-heads.
By pressing with such implements alternately on
different sides of a flake at the same spot I have been
able to make an indenture similar to that between
the barb and stem of an arrow-head."1

Choppers. This name is given to large wide pieces
of flint, of a size and shape adapted for the hand to
grasp them firmly. They are commonest at Whitepark
Bay, though they have also been found at Portstewart.2

A group of objects found together in a hut-site at
Cuan Diiin Droma (Co. Down), illustrates the normal
furniture of such sites. It included three finely dressed
scrapers, of larger size than usual ; a flat tool of flint
showing marks of fire ; a thin, long, knife-like flake ;
a fine stone axe, yj inches long, of a hard greenish
stone, finely polished ; flakes, cores, hammer-stones,
fragments of pottery, bones, an anvil-stone with a
hollow in one side only, and a small bead.3

1 JAI, ix, 324.
? JAI, vii, 203.

3 The most important of these objects will be found illustrated
in PRIA, xxii, p. 338.

ioo IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

A few words will be all that is necessary regarding
the objects other than stone from the Sandhill sites.
They are of minor importance. Pins, prickers and
needles form the majority of the objects in bone. These
are splinters of bone, often very artistically turned
and shaped, and brought to a point ; the needles are
perforated at the butt.

Drills, for perforating holes in stone or in other
bone objects, are hollow sections of the long bones of
animals. These, when rotated with a drill-bow,
agitate sand and water placed on the surface of the
object to be perforated, and so in time wear a hole in it.

Tines of antlers have been found at some of the
sites ; these may have been used as scoops. Sections
of horn, perforated to serve as hammers, have been
found at Whitepark Bay.

Of the pottery found in the Sandhills we shall speak
in the chapter specially devoted to this branch of our
subject.

There is little to be said about the costume and the
personal ornaments of the Neolithic people. There
seems to be no certain record of the discovery of
spindle-whorls in unmixed Neolithic sites, which
suggests that though spinning was certainly one of
the Neolithic industries, it was not practised in this
country during the Neolithic period ; and that the
people still clothed themselves in the skins of beasts.
At Whitepark Bay have been found lumps of colouring
matter, such as ochres, iron oxide, and the like, which
may have been used as paint to decorate the person.
At Portstewart a number of small beads were found,
of an ornamental green stone. These are described
as being of about the size, and much the appearance,
of small shirt-buttons, having a hollow on one side.1

XVII. As we approach the end of the Age of Stone,
a very considerable improvement in the technique of
stone chipping manifests itself. The implements,
instead of being merely flaked into shape with a few

1 JAI, vi, 485.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 101

bold strokes, are gradually chipped to a symmetrical
form. The patience and care displayed in some of
these later tools is wonderful. Irish specimens of
chipped flint implements cannot compete with the
excellence of Scandinavian or Egyptian workmanship,
but many of the best specimens come up very nearly
to an approximation to those supreme manifestations
of skill. It is now, also, that the smoothing-off of the
surface of the stone by grinding and polishing begins
to be practised. This is chiefly exemplified in the celt.
A celt1 is a bar of stone, so chipped that there is
a cutting edge at one end, and a blunt but more or
less pointed tail at the other. It is evidently adapted
for hafting in a wooden handle, perforated for receiv-
ing it, after the fashion of an axe : one or two speci-
mens of celts thus hafted have been found in bogs, in
which the wood has been preserved from decay (fig. 19).
A specimen from Co. Fermanagh bore traces of a
dark brown mastic or gum, which had apparently
been smeared over the socket to make its grip the more
secure.2 Some polished celts have been found with
a hole partly drilled through the sides. These may
possibly be meant for the reception of the ends of
wooden pins, passed through the sides of the socket
to prevent the axe-head from slipping out. The
earliest celts are chipped into shape, sometimes by
fine chipping, though not so fine as is to be seen on
the best knives and arrow-heads. Constant use of
the tool automatically produced a polish on the edge ;
it may have been the observation of this fact that
suggested the extension of the polish over the whole
tool. The maker set himself to imitate the pleasing
effect by grinding the stone upon another. At first
he seems to have stopped short at grinding off the

1 This word is derived from an imaginary Latin word celtis,
which exists only in a (probably) false reading of some MSS. of
the Vulgate in the Book of Job. If used at all it should be pro-
nounced selt, to distinguish it from the linguistic term Celt (keif),
with which it has nothing whatever to do.

2JRSAI, xviii, 482.

102 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

sharp ridges between the flakes, but gradually improv-
ing and extending the process he ultimately produced
a tool polished over the whole surface. When he was
lucky enough to find a stone such as serpentine,

Q

FIG. 1 8 — TYPES OF STONE CELTS, CHIPPED AND POLISHED

capable of taking a high polish, the result was often
a work of art beautiful in itself ; but such highly
polished ornamental stone axes (of which there
are several specimens in the Royal Irish Academy's

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 103

collection) can hardly have been meant for use in
rough work ; the delicate edge and the smoothly
polished surface would very quickly have been
destroyed. They may fitly be compared to the
well-known ceremonial axes of the Hervey Islands,
specimens of which are to be seen in every ethno-
logical museum of any pretensions : these are

FIG. 19 — CELT RETAINING ITS ORIGINAL HAFT

mounted in elaborate handles, artistically formed
and ornamented, but of so unwieldy a shape that it
would be impossible to use the axe for any practical
purpose.

Celts are of a considerable variety in size. They
are sometimes found of as much as 12 to 18 inches in
length, but such large specimens are exceptional, in
Ireland as elsewhere. Those between 8 and 12 inches
in length are commoner ; but the majority lie between
4 and 7 inches. Smaller celts are sometimes found :
examples not more than i inch long are not infrequent.1

It has been said above that celts have " a blunt
but more or less pointed tail " at the end opposite the
cutting edge. Mr. E. C. R. Armstrong has published
a study of Irish polished celts, with special reference
to the shape of the tail.2 He divides these objects into
two classes : in the one the outline is triangular, and
the butt pointed ; in the other " the outline assumes
a more rectangular shape, where the butt is rounded
or roughly squared." The evidence drawn from the
associations in which these objects are found is as yet
insufficient to determine with certainty which of these

1 See W. J. Knowles in UJA II, ix, 6.

2 E. C. R. Armstrong, Associated Finds of Irish Neolithic Celts,
PRIA, xxxiv, C, p. 81.

io4 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

types is the earlier : indeed, as some finds have been
made (enumerated in Mr. Armstrong's paper) in
which both classes have been represented, the two
types must have overlapped. But a tentative conclu-
sion, which applies to Britain and to the Continent as
well as to Ireland, is indicated, that the triangular
pointed type was probably the earlier. This is one
of the questions on which we must await further light
from future discoveries.

The natural shape of a stone tool is convex, that
of a metal tool flat. During the period of overlap
between stone and copper, the shape natural to the
one material was sometimes imitated in the other,
the makers not having come to a final decision as to
which were the most suitable shapes to be adopted.
Convex tools in metal are very rare, for the simple
reason that when their inconvenient character became
clear, they would be melted and re-cast in a flat
shape. On the other hand, a few flat celts are found
in stone, though these are unusual ; they are certainly
imitations in stone of the earliest metal celts. The

FIG. 20 — FLAT STONE CELT

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 105

example figured (fig. 20) was found in Loch Gair,
Co. Limerick.

A " dummy celt " in shale, found in a cist, is
described in PRIA, xxxiii, C, p. 3 : and sword-like
rods of the same material have not infrequently been
described and figured, and are stored in some of our
museums as artificial implements or weapons. I
confess to doubts as to whether such objects are
really artificial.1

Mallets, Mauls, and Hammer-axes. These objects
(fig. 21) are seldom so highly polished as the average
celt. They are distinguished by their shape. Mallets
are round stones, the smallest being slightly larger
than a man's fist, having a perforation drilled through
them for receiving a wooden handle. Mauls are
rather larger, and are not perforated : instead a groove

FIG. 21 — TYPES OF MALLETS, MAULS, AND HAMMER-AXES

is cut round the body of the stone, which could receive
a rope that encircled it and was then wound firmly
around the handle.2 Hammer-axes are of a more
artistic shape. They resemble in shape our modern

1 For some curious specimens of such " imaginary " implements
see JRSAI, xi, 205, 206.

2 It may be that some of the heavier specimens of stones of this
kind were intended for other purposes : e.g., for securing ropes
whereby cattle were tethered.

106 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

axe-heads, with a cutting edge at one end and a blunt
hammer-like butt at the other : sometimes there are
two cutting edges. The top and bottom of the axe-
head expand, like the outlines of the deck of a boat,
and are usually slightly concave. The illustration
shews a number of varieties of these tools. The
manufacture of these tools, especially the drilling of
the hole, must have been a work of great labour.

A remarkable double axe of polished diorite found
near the ruins of the castle of Cul M6r between Raith
Bhile and Hacketstown (Co. Carlow), may here be
referred to (fig. 22). It is \\ inches long, and has an
axe-edge at both ends, and the concavity at top and

FlG. 22 — DIORITEJAXE-HEAD, CuL MOR,£Co.' CARLOW

bottom is greatly exaggerated (fig. 25). The perfora-
tion is remarkably small, and could hardly receive a
haft capable of resisting the strain of active use : indeed
the high polish of the implement would be destroyed
if it were used as an axe. We must conclude that,

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 107

like the Hervey Islands axes referred to above, the
object was intended for some ceremonial purpose.1

Though it is some ways convenient to describe
implements of stone thus together, it must be clearly
understood that these do not all belong to the Stone
Age. Even the flint implements, flakes, scrapers,
and, especially, arrows and javelin heads, persisted
in use throughout the Bronze Age, and possibly even
later : the influence of the shapes of bronze-age
weapons on corresponding objects in stone is some-
times to be traced. Flint, notwithstanding its re-
stricted distribution, must always have been cheaper
in Ireland than bronze, which depended upon foreign
trade to supply its necessary ingredient, tin ; a metal not
found in Ireland in appreciable quantities. We have
already seen that for weapons which, once shot away,
might have been lost permanently, bronze would in
this country have been an extravagance : and in point
of fact no bronze arrow-heads have been found in
Ireland.2 The hammer-axe just described is a
case in point. It is certainly a bronze-age
object, having been found in association with a
" small bronze axe with ornamented blade "
[type, unfortunately, not stated, but probably
of the flat flanged or second-period forms] and a
fragment of the shank of a bronze pin.

The material used for these tools — celts, hammers,
etc. — was whatever hard stone came to hand. Flint
was not suitable, on account of its liability to fracture.
Bassalt, quartzite, and sandstone are perhaps the
commonest stones used for the purpose.

1 W. Frazer, On a polished stone implement of novel form, and its
probable use. PRIA, xvii, 215 [the speculations contained in the
paper as to the use of the object are not important], A " celt
with a cutting edge at both ends," from Loch Gair, Co. Limerick,
is reported in JRSAI, xxii, 42. The description may be given a
passing reference here for what it may be worth.

2A "bronze arrow-head" said (JRSAI, xxi, 484) to have been
found at Rinn Tulaigh in Co. Limerick, is clearly, from the
description, a tanged knife.

io8 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

On the other hand, to question or to deny the
existence of a Neolithic age in Ireland, as has been
done,1 is to go far beyond a reasonable interpretation
of the evidence. The evolution of stone implements
in Ireland follows the same course as in the neighbour-
ing countries of Europe. The skill and patience
which went to the making of a fine javelin-head were
everywhere lost when metal had become firmly estab-
lished as the materials for weapons : and though the
overlap may have been, comparatively speaking, long,
it came to an end in time, and, in accordance with the
usual law of evolution, reversion was impossible.
It has recently been claimed that the arrow-head
found in the Sandhill sites may be as late as the
Normans,2 on the ground that there is no literary
evidence in Irish texts or in Giraldus for the pre-
Norman use of the bow, though it was a recognised
weapon in post-Norman times in the country. But
neither the Irish texts nor Giraldus can tell us any-
thing about pre-Celtic customs : and there is no
evidence (such as we should expect were this theory
admissible) for the use of flint-tipped arrow-heads
by the Normans in England. The silence of the
literary authorities proves not the extreme lateness
but the extreme antiquity of the objects in question.
Polished stone celts are sometimes found associated
with late objects of the Iron Age : this, however, does
not prove their late date, as we know that these objects
were early credited with supernatural virtues, and were
preserved as protection against lightning.

Rubbing-stones and Querns. Rubbing-stones are
pebbles of convenient size for manipulation, split so
as to have one side flat, though not absolutely smooth.
By rubbing over the grain, or whatever was to be
reduced, this fulfilled the purpose for which it was
designed. The example illustrated (fig. 2i>b) was found
by the writer in an ancient hearth on the shore at

1 e.g., by Rev. G. R. Buick in JRSAI, xx, p. 441 : xxii, p. 318.

2 By Mr. H. C. Lawlor in Proceedings, BNFC, 1917, p. 100.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 109

Lay town, near Droichead Atha. It measures 4! x 2|
inches, and is i inch thick. The quern is a development
of this. The Neolithic form of quern (fig. 233) is what
is called the Saddle-quern, from the shape of the lower
stone ; the rotary quern is of latter introduction.
The saddle-quern consists of two stones of granite or
rough material ; the lower stone is large and massive,
with a flat upper surface, usually slightly concave ;
the upper stone has a rounded back, and is of conve-
nient size for grasping The upper stone is rubbed

FIG. 23 — RUBBING STONE AND SADDLE-QUEBN

back^ and forth over the grain, which is spread on
the upper surface of the lower stone.

In some manufactory sites there have been found
specimens of stone tools used in the manufacture of
stone implements. These fall into three groups : —

Hammers, used for roughing the tools into shape,
their bruised ends showing that they have been sub-
jected to rough usage.

Grindstones for polishing. These are slabs of
sandstone, many of which have been found hollowed
or grooved by attrition. Mr. Knowles describes a

i io IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

grindstone from a turf bog in Baile Cloise1 — an axe
with the sandstone on which it must have been ground
lying over it. More interesting is one found at Ciil
Ban, Co. Antrim (fig. 22), embedded in brick earth
at a depth of 4 feet, close to which were found six
newly-finished ground stone celts. The grindstone
measures 13 inches by 8 inches : it is now in the
R.I. A. collection, with the axes.

FIG. 24— GRINDSTONE FROM CULBAN, Co. ANTRIM

Whetstones, which are not infrequently made of
fragments of celts which have been broken by some
accident.

1 UJA, II, ix, 6.

CHAPTER IV

THE BRONZE AGE

r. Discovery of the Nature and Properties of Metals. II. Con-
sequences of the Discovery. III. Place of the Discovery. IV.
Bronze. V. Introduction of Metal-working into Ireland. VI.
Irish Gold and its Significance. VII. Ancient Mining in the
Country. VIII. The Bronze Celt and its Transformations.
IX. The Periods of the Bronze Age. X. Relation of Irish to
Foreign Art during the Bronze Age.

THE FIRST PERIOD : I. Celts. II. Moulds. III. The continued
Use of Stone. IV. Hammer-axes. V. Copper Daggers.

THE SECOND PERIOD : I. Bronze. II. The Tin Trade. III. Dis-
appearance of the Stone Industry. IV. Celts. V. Daggers
and Halberds. VI. Lunutae. VII. Other Gold Objects.

THE THIRD PERIOD : I. Palstaves. II. Daggers. III. Moulds.
IV. Torques. V. The Strangford Loch Find.

THE FOURTH PERIOD : I. Celts. II. Socketed Spear-heads. III.
Rapiers. IV. Swords. V. Scabbards. VI. Moulds.

THE FIFTH PERIOD: I. The Advance in Civilisation during this
Period. II. Celts, Spear-heads, Swords. III. Numerous addi-
tional Implements, &c. IV. Shields. V. Pins. VI. The
Cupped Bracelet. VII. The Clare Find. VIII. Other types
of Gold Ornaments. IX. Amber and Jet. X. Chronology.

I. After the primary discovery of how to make
fire artificially ; the discoveries of how to chip stone,
how to tame animals, how to cultivate the fruits of
the earth, and how to make pottery, the next momen-
tous and epoch-making discovery was undoubtedly
that of the nature and the properties of metals, and
of how to procure and to shape them to meet the needs
of man.

111

iia IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Of all the metals the most lustrous is Gold. More-
over, as it does not rust, its lustre is permanent. The
gleam of gold would early catch the eye of a wandering
stone-age man, and he would pick up the yellow pebble
and wear it as a powerful amulet. In the Stone Age
gold probably existed in comparative abundance in
the river gravels, where it had been accumulating
since Tertiary times ; mankind had all there was to
draw upon. He soon exhausted the supply — it has
been observed that gold ornaments of the earlier
periods are more massive and more wasteful of the
metal than are'those of later times — and probably it
would take a lapse of years as long again, of steady
undisturbed accumulation, to deposit a quantity equal
to what was at the disposal of stone-age and early
bronze-age man.

Next to gold, the metal most likely to attract atten-
tion was Copper. Copper is found in a native form,
that is, pure and not in an ore, in various parts of the
world ; it can there be picked up like stones from the
surface of the ground. Our stone-age experimenter
found such a lump, which seemed to him of a size,
weight, and shape suitable for fashioning into a stone
axe. Carrying it home, he would endeavour to chip
flakes from it, in the way to which he was accustomed ;
but he would find that instead of breaking it, he
indented it. Further trials would shew that he could
hammer the metal into whatever shape he pleased.
Doubtless the first metal tools were imitations of the
corresponding stone tools, thus hammered from lumps
of copper. That no such hammered tool has been
found in Ireland is intelligible, and does not affect the
probability that this was the means whereby metal
tools were first formed. Indeed, hammered tools are
everywhere rare in the Old World. The simple explan-
ation is, that when it was found that metal tools
could be made much more satisfactorily by the process
of fusing and casting, all the old hammered tools
would naturally be melted down, tin any case we
cannot assume that the whole evolution took its course

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 113

in Ireland itself ; it is more likely that the art of
working metals was not introduced into this country
until the methods of fusing and casting had been
discovered.

For the invention of this latter process we must
again postulate a happy accident. A lump of copper,
whether hammered into shape or not does not matter,
fell by some chance into the domestic fire. The owner
had no tongs with which to rescue it, and he had the
mortification of seeing it flow in a liquid stream over
the ground. Mortification would give place to curio-
sity, however, when the stream cooled and hardened
in a shape so different from that which it had had
before the accident, and preserving on its under
surface an impression of the irregularities in the
ground over which it had flowed. Without undue
straining of the imagination, we can picture our
discoverer playing for a while with this wonderful
new toy, making trial marks on the ground and
finding them exactly reproduced. At last the happy
thought would strike him to impress his stone axe
in the ground, and to direct the molten metal into
the cavity thus formed : he would then be delighted
to find that he had thereby acquired no mere play-
thing, but a very serviceable weapon. Who can say
but that the triumphant sword-song of Lamech1 may
voice the joy with which some such early investigator
greeted his good fortune ?

At the moment when the copper hardened in this
improvised mould, and the experimenter picked it
up and saw that it was good, humanity entered the
second stage of the upward climb.

II. The consequences of this discovery were for
civilisation profound. Weapons and implements
could be turned out of the moulds by the score in
the same time that it had taken to chip one of them
laboriously out of stone. Time was thus saved ; and
though uncivilised man has but little positive sense

1 Genesis iv, 23 .

ii4 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

of its value, as those of us who have had to do with
him know to our cost, yet the saving of time (even if
unconscious) is of fundamental importance for the
advancement of culture. So long as man has to spend
his days in hunting wild beasts to replenish his family
larder, starting off on a second expedition almost im-
mediately after he has returned from the first, he can
scarcely expect to get very far on the road of self-
advancement. When the stone-age savage discovered
that animals could be domesticated, and thus kept
always ready at hand, and that crops could be cul-
tivated and the grain stored, he found more time on
his hands than ever before — especially as the labour of
the fields would as a matter of course be delegated to
his women-kind. Having no picture-palaces or golf to
fool away the time thus saved, he very sensibly applied
it to inventing means of improving his position in life,
and extending his conquests over the world of nature.
The time saved by the invention of metal casting was
applied to the same purposes, as we can see from the
remains which the Bronze Age has left behind. For
the Bronze Age was a period of comparatively rapid
advance.

III. Where did this great discovery take place ?
The answer to this question is lost in the mists of
time. Possibly it was made independently in several
different centres ; it is mere nonsense to suppose that
all discoveries, inventions, art-motives, and the like,
necessarily spread over the world from one centre
only. All that we can suggest with any probability,
in view of the great gaps still existing in our knowledge,
is that Europe is ultimately indebted to Egypt for its
knowledge of the nature and the properties of copper.
The copper mines of the Sinaitic Peninsula were
worked by Egyptian kings of the earliest empire of
that ancient country, long before Europe had emerged
from the barbarism of the Stone Age. But as copper
is an almost universal metal, we cannot infer from its
distribution anything about the time and the place of
the very first discovery of its properties. The first

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 115

lump of copper to be melted and cast, by some process
such as we imagined just now, might have undergone
that treatment anywhere in the world where native
copper is to be picked up.

When the properties of copper became known, we
can easily believe that there would be an eager search
in all sorts of possible and impossible places for the
precious nodules. In this search other analogous
" finds " would be made — such as the more metallic-
looking ores. Means of reducing these would gradu-
ally be discovered. The ore of Tin, though dull in
colour, would attract attention by its weight, and
when cast into the fire it would run' out in a brilliant
silvery stream. Tin, however, would at first make no
appeal to the practical copper-age man. The softness
of copper was trouble enough : this was the great
drawback of the new material. Copper tools must
have been a constant nuisance, owing to their edges
turning. But tin would be still worse in this respect,
and probably after a few tests those who discovered it
came to the conclusion that it was useless.

IV. But one more surprising discovery was in
store. Perhaps someone with a shortage of copper,
as a makeshift dropped a bit of tin into the crucible :
perhaps a fraudulent manufacturer adulterated his
copper with the " useless " metal — for the gentle arts
of such people are at least as old as the Bronze Age ;
perhaps it was a mere accident or an oversight. But,
however it happened, it was found, comparatively
soon after the age of metal began, that tin mixed with
copper in certain proportions hardened it. When this
important fact became generally known, tools were
no longer made of pure copper, but of the alloy, which
we know by the name of Bronze. The Bronze Age,
strictly speaking, began with this discovery.

Like many 'other discoveries of the kind, it had
larger consequences than would have been expected
at first sight. Not only did it put far more serviceable
tools at the disposal of the craftsman and of the
warrior, but it proved to be a powerful stimulus to

n6 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

the development of trade. Copper is spread fairly
extensively over the surface of the earth, but this is
not the case of tin. That metal is found in a limited
number of places only, and anyone outside those
favoured regions who wants it must trade for it.
This was a happy circumstance for the history of
civilisation. Caravans oscillated over Europe, carrying
down tin to the centres of Mediterranean civilisation,
and helping to level up the barbarous tribes of the
north who were thus brought, at least indirectly, into
touch with their more advanced fellow-men. With
tin as a civilising agent must be coupled amber, the
beauty and the uncanny electrical properties of which
made it a material much desired for ornaments and
amulets. The great ladies of Crete wanted amber to
deck themselves, while their lords wanted tin to help
to make their weapons. So merchants had to travel
back and forth along the lines of the great rivers,
carrying amber from the Baltic shores, and tin from
Spain and possibly also from Cornwall. Thus a give-
and-take of knowledge and of art was developed
throughout Europe, without which civilisation would
have been retarded for many centuries.

V. There is no reason to suppose that Ireland was
in any way behind the rest of Northern Europe in
the adoption of the new metal and its technique. On
the contrary, there are in this country numerous
remains of the Copper Age — the first period of the
Age of Metal. Naturally these are fewer in actual
numbers than are those of the later stages, for the
reason already given in another connexion — that pure
copper tools would be re-melted so soon as the advan-
tage of mixing the unalloyed metal with tin was
understood. The surviving tools of copper are
merely those which have from one accident or another
escaped the re-melting process.

The knowledge of metals seems to have been
brought into Ireland in a manner different from that
of its introduction into England. lln England there
are distinct signs of an invasion by conquerers, at

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 117

the beginning of the Bronze Age, who with their
superior weapons carried all before them in England,
and there changed the racial character of the popu-
lation, as well as its religious ideas (so far as we can
judge from the burial ritual illustrated by tombs
which have been opened). For some unknown reason
these immigrants did not pursue their conquests to
Ireland. The advent of bronze into England is asso-
ciated with the coming of a brachycephalic immigrant
population ; while the people of Ireland remain
dolichocephalic after the introduction of bronze, as
before. It is, however, impossible to say whether
copper weapons and the knowledge of how to make
them were brought over by refugees or slaves from
England, or whether the native Irish of the time were
astute enough to make terms with the newcomers
and to treat and trade with them, thereby acquiring
their contribution to civilisation by way of peaceful
commerce.

In any case the development of commerce between
Ireland and England would be a necessity for the
former island. Tin is very sparsely distributed in
Ireland :x to obtain a supply sufficient for the needs
of the Bronze Age it would have to be purchased
from over-sea. The source from which Ireland could
be supplied with tin, with the greatest ease, is obviously
Cornwall.

VI. But it would have been impossible to get
tin from' Cornwall for nothing. The owners of the
mines there were shrewd men of business, thoroughly
alive to the value of their property. This is shewn by
the devices whereby the exact source of the tin was
kept a secret from the Mediterranean traders. It is
also shewn by the absence of pure tin from the hoards
of bronze-casters which have been found in England
from time to time2. These contain pure copper,

1 See on this subject a note by Mr. T. Hallissy appended to
Mr. E. C. R. Armstrong's paper on Bronze Celts discovered in
Ireland, in PRIA, xxxiii C, p. 524-5.

2 On these hoards see Sir John Evans, Ancient Bronze Imple-
ments of Great Britain, passim, especially pp. 459, et seqq.

n8 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

bronze, broken fragments bought up for re-melting,
moulds, and all the other paraphernalia — except pure
tin : a fact which shews that the mine-owners did not
allow the pure tin to get about the country, but that
they kept the alloying-trade in their own hands.

But fortunately Ireland had something to give in
exchange for the Cornish tin : namely, Gold. The
gold of Wicklow made the bronze-age development
of Ireland possible, and a word about the gold-fields
there will not be out of place. The following par-
ticulars are extracted from the Journal of the Geo-
logical Society of Ireland 1: —

" The source of the auriferous stream is the mountain Croghan
Kinshela, whose summit forms a portion of the boundary between
the counties Wicklow and Wexford. The stream from which most
of the gold has been obtained rises in the N.E. side of the mountain,
and, flowing down one of the glens with which that part of the
country is intersected in almost every direction, joins the Aughrim
River a little above the confluence of the latter stream with the
Avonmore. It receives several smaller streams at different parts
of its course, in all of which some gold appears to have been found,
though in general in such small quantity as not to repay the cost
of its extraction. Small pieces of the precious metal had been
accidentally found by individuals, at various times preceding the
year 1795, in which year great numbers of the peasantry, excited
by the account of some large pieces which had been casually dis-
covered, began to search for gold, though in a very unskilful and
desultory manner. About six weeks afterwards the government
took possession of the mines, and stationed a detachment of militia
to keep out the peasantry. The latter had, however, obtained about
800 oz. of gold during the short period they continued at work.
The government then took the washings into their own hands,
and continued to search for about six years, not confining them-
selves merely to washing the alluvial matter constituting the bed
of the stream, but also driving a level into the sides of the moun-
tain, in search of the vein in which the gold was supposed to be
embedded. These trials, however, proved unproductive, and the
expense exceeding the value of the gold obtained, the government
abandoned the workings in 1803, since which time a few of the
peasants of the country round have occupied themselves irregularly
and at intervals, in searching the sand which had been carelessly
turned over before, and from which they still obtain some gold
in small quantities, but scarcely sufficient to afford them the means

1 Vol. iv, p. 269.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 119

of subsistence. About six or seven years ago [i.e., about 1849]
some further attempts in search of gold were made by a company
organized for the purpose, by cutting extensive trenches at right
angles to the course of the Ballinvalley stream. These, however,
were unsuccessful, and the washing is again solely carried on by
a small number of the peasantry.

" Gold occurs here in grains of all sizes, from the smallest
spangle up to a mass weighing 22 oz., the largest hitherto found."

Of the ancient wealth of Ireland in gold a sufficient
proof is the great collection of ornaments in that
material, unsurpassed by any other national collection
in Europe, which has been accumulated by the Royal
Irish Academy during the century and a quarter of
its existence. This is only a small part of the store of
gold ornaments that have been found from time to
time in the country and melted down. To say nothing
of the great Clare find, to be described briefly on a
later page, the following objects of gold not in the
collection mentioned, may be enumerated : —

i. — A " yard " of pure gold about 28 ins. long, and as thick
as a man's finger : a ring large enough to compass a man's head,
three large loops and another smaller, and a piece " in the figure
of a pair of tongs " [a cupped ring] two spans long and of equal
thickness with the yard. In the possession of a man in Queen's
County > in I673.1

2. — The following objects, found in the bog of Cuillean na
gCuanach, Co. Tipperary, at intervals between 1732 and 1771.

(a). — A piece of gold, shaped like a half egg, 3 oz.

(b). — A circular plate of beaten gold, 8 inches diameter,

wrapped round three ingots weighing not less than i Ib.
(c). — An elliptical plate of gold.
(d). — A small gold cup.
(e). — A tube of gold 4 inches long, weighing i oz., 7 dwts.,

20 grs.
(/). — A thin plate of gold rolled on another, which when

extended was 14 inches long and £ inch broad.
(g). — Parts of a plate of gold, with a gold wire " inlay ed

about the rim and about 3 inches towards the centre,

where was a gold twist sewed in and out."
(h). — A small plate of gold in the form of an equilateral

triangle.

According to a deposition published JRSAI v, p. 207.

120 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

(i). — A bronze sword, with a plate of gold in the hilt, and a

gold pommel.

(j). — A plate of gold, " beautifully chased and embossed,"
6 inches long, 5 inches wide at one end, 4 inches at the
other, weighing 2 oz.
(k). — A hollow piece of gold, in the form of the scabbard

of a sword, weighing i oz., 23 dwt., 17 grs.
(/). — A gold vessel with carved handle, chased and engraved,

10 ozs., 12 dwt., 23 grs.
m). — Two thin leaves of gold.
n). — A piece of gold in the form of a scallop.
o). — Two pieces of gold weighing 3 ozs., 9 dwt., 21 grs.
p). — Miscellaneous fragments, weighing together over
30 oz.1

(3). — A twisted rod of pure gold weighing 22 oz., found near
Baile an Chaisleain, Co. Antrim (a torque straightened out).2

(4). — A. letter in. Athenaeum, 22 October 1859, p. 533, refers to
two great finds of gold, one of which at the time of writing was being
sold to London and melted piecemeal : the other had been made
at some place vaguely indicated as near the Sinann river : this is
said to have been sold to Dublin goldsmiths for £27,000. This
last find can hardly be dissociated from a story of an underground
chamber found at Cluain maccu Nois, with Ogham inscriptions,
gold ornaments, etc., etc., which went the round of the press in
i86i.3 The truth of this story was categorically denied by the
Rector of Cluain maccu Nois at a meeting of the Kilkenny
Archaeological Society.4 At the time the country was much
excited over the great Clare gold-find, and many of these tales
may be fictions based upon that solitary definite fact.

For a very full discussion of the use of gold in
Ancient Ireland, the reader may be referred to Mr.
Armstrong's Catalogue of Irish Gold Ornaments in the col-
lection of the Royal Irish Academy (Dublin, 1920).

VII. When we turn to the ancient records, we find
that the Wicklow region was known in ancient times
to be the gold-field of Ireland. The annalists and the
historians tell us that under king Tighearnmhas, who,
they say, reigned Anno Mundi 3656 — that is to say
B.C. 1543 — one Uchadan smelted gold in the region of

1 Vallancey, Collectanea,vi,2$j, quoted from Arckaeologta, vol.iii.

2 Archaeologia, xvi, 353.

3 See for example Gentleman's
4JRSAI, vol. vi (1860-61), p.

2 Archaeologia, xvi, 353

3 See for example Gentleman's Magazine, 1861, ii, p. 357.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 121

eastern Life : the district through which runs the river
Ruirtheach, now wrongly called the Liffey. This is
close enough to the region where gold has been found
in recent times to shew that we have here a historical
basis to the tradition, although the date assigned,
being part of a late artificial scheme of chronology,
is of no special importance, and Tighearnmhas himself
is rather a legendary culture-hero than a historical
character.

It is remarkable that in ancient Ireland, as in the
days of king Solomon, Silver seems to have been of
no account. There is not a single genuine object of
silver found in the country older than the introduction
of Christianity. The numerous references to orna-
ments of gold and silver in the romances are therefore
all interpolations made by Christian scribes and
story-tellers. Certain torques and other ornaments
of silver, said to have been found in Ireland, have
been described from time to time, but these are one
and all, without exception, forgeries.

In fact, there is very little native silver in Ireland,
and the process of extracting the silver from the ore
is much more difficult than the winning of gold from
river- washings. But silver was used in the country
for making a gold alloy, similar to the electrum of the
Greek and Roman craftsmen. The following analysis
of three gold torques, apparently of different pro-
venance, speaks for itself : — 1

ABC

Gold percent. 71.01 71.54 79-48
Silver ,, 24.09 23.67 18.01

Copper ,, 4.67 4.62 2.48

Lead ,, Trace

99.77 99.83 99.97
Fineness of gold in carats 17.04 17.17 19-07

1 E. A. Smith, Notes on the Composition oj Ancient Irish Gold
and Silver Ornaments, PRIA, xix, 733.

122 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

As yet there is an insufficient body of analyses
published, and it cannot be said whether these pro-
portions are typical of a large number of the ornaments
which have come down to us. But the results suggest
that silver was imported from abroad by the Irish
goldsmiths for alloying purposes, and that the
process was carried out as formally, with as due regard
to the proper proportion of the metals, as in the com-
bination of copper and tin to make bronze. Most
of the extant gold ornaments seem, however, to be
of pure gold.

It is hard to say how far copper was mined for in
Ireland itself during the Bronze Age, or whether it,
like the tin, was imported from over-sea. There are
sundry remains of old mines in the neighbourhood
of Ceall Airneadh and elsewhere, but it is not easy to
determine exactly the period to which they belong. A
large number of stone hammers from old copper mines
in this neighbourhood were in the possession of the
late Mr. Day.1 There are some old lead mines in
the barony of Tulach, Co. Clare, which were re-
opened in the first half of the nineteenth century ;
but iron tools were found within them, clearly dating
the workings to a period later than that with which
we are at present concerned. More to the point was
an interesting discovery, too briefly reported2 as
follows : —

" Dr. Caulfield exhibited a stone celt 12 inches long, which
with eleven others were found under the following circumstances.
In Autumn 1854. Mr. R. B. Hungerford was shooting on his pro-
perty on the top of the hill of Bally rizard, West Carbery, Co. Cork.
Having taken shelter in a small cave on the hillside from a heavy
shower, he observed a liquid of a green colour percolating through
a small aperture in the inner side of the recess. Subsequently
he probed it with an iron bar, but without any result. But on
striking the bar into the ground at the entrance of the cave it imme-
diately disappeared. Two or three labourers were employed to
dig it out, beginning some feet west of the place where the bar
went down, and on clearing out the rubbish they came on a chamber

, xvi, 281.
2JRSAI, xv, 341.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 123

about 12 feet square. Here, among the debris they found a quantity
of bits of copper ore, and in a corner twelve celts. The discovery
pointed to some ancient mining operations .... and to the
use of copper. All the celts had been much chipped at their edges.
This fact led to an examination of the entire farm, on which ten
or twelve parallel lodes of copper were found."

Even more definite is the following, communicated
by John Windele of Cork in the Ulster Journal of
Archaeology1 from particulars supplied by Thomas
Swanston of Crann Liath : —

" In searching during the early part of 1846 for indications of
copper ore in the west of the county of Cork, under the direction
of Capt. Thomas Cornwall, no less than six old mine-holes were
discovered in the lands of Derrycarhoon, three miles N.E. of
Bally dehob, of which no previous tradition or even suspicion had
been entertained. They were all parallel lodes, one of them about
thirty fathoms in length, and ten feet broad, though its breadth
was not certainly known. They were filled at the bottom with
rubbish, and at the top were overlaid with ' bog stuff ' to a depth
in some places of over 14 feet. A strange wooden tube, curved,
and partly open in front, and a ladder 18 feet long, formed of a
single piece of black oak with thirteen steps cut into it on one side,
were also found ; as well as a number of heavy mauls weighing
from 3 to 7 Ibs., with a cord-groove round them.2 Theze old
shafts had been worked with considerable skill. Arches of rock
uncut had been left by the miners to keep the walls of the lodes
from closing. ' I may mention,' says Mr. Swanston, ' as perhaps
a help to arrive at some conclusion as to the date of tnese works,
that there is a stratum of whitish slime such as runs off in the wash-
ing of copper lying between two strata of bog, the upper of which
is three and a half feet thick. The bog in which this appears lies
a few yards lower down the hill than the mouth of the mines."

VIII. The chronology of the Bronze Age can best
be studied after we have described the implements
and the weapons that belong to it ; but before pro-
ceeding to do so, it will be necessary to state briefly

I, ix, 212.

2 It appears that the peasantry explained these grooves as having
been worn by the thumbs of the miners ! Similar mauls were
found in an old mine at Muc-ros ; see Hall's Ireland, i, 240. Deche-
lette in his Manual d'archtologie (i, 530) figures similar objects
from France, Spain, and North America.

I24

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

how the Bronze Age is subdivided into periods.
For the differentiation of these, the transformations
undergone by the Bronze Celt afford the most con-
venient guide. It is a very instructive process to
follow (see fig. 25).

The oldest metal celt is a translation, so to speak,

FIG. 25 — THE EVOLUTION OF THE BRONZE CELT

into the new material, of the polished stone celt
which we have already described. A very few speci-
mens are extant with the convex surface proper to
the stone implement ; for the greater part, however,
these have been re-melted when more convenient
forms were evolved, so that it is not surprising that
convex copper celts are extremely rare.

Before the discovery of Bronze closed the Copper
Age, the flat celt had been evolved. This tool re-
sembles in outline the polished stone celt, but its
sides are flat. The efficiency of the tool is much
increased, while at the same time metal is saved.
The advantage of the flat tool immediately became
apparent, and we occasionally find efforts made to
imitate it in the cheaper but less easily worked material,
Stone.

On the other hand, the flat celt had one disadvan-
tage. The stone and convex copper celts could be
hafted easily, by passing them through a hole in the
wooden handle. But the flat celt could not be so
treated. There was no longer a " bulge " which

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 125

prevented the axe-head from slipping too far into the
wood, and the flat celt was found to wedge itself
back, as blows were struck with it, into the handle,
thus splitting it and rendering it useless.

The inventiveness of copper-age man was equal to
the problem. Instead of taking a straight stick and
cutting a hole in it, he took a section of the branch
of a tree from the end of which projected the stump
of a side branch. This stump he split, and into the
split he inserted his axe-head, binding it tightly
in position with thongs. He thus provided himself
with a handle suitably bent for the purposes of an
axe, while at the same time the cross-grains at the
junction of the branch and the side stump strengthened
the haft at the point where it received the shock of
the blows.

But the instrument was not perfect yet. The
strongest thongs were insufficient to prevent the axe-
head from "wobbling" in the slit cut for its reception,
and so working loose. Moreover, in time the axe-
head acted as a wedge and enlarged the slit unduly.
About the time when pure copper was giving place
to bronze this difficulty was surmounted by providing
the edges of the blade with flanges- -raised marginal
collars which gripped the wooden handle and preven-
ted lateral motion. A stop-ridge, carried across the
face of the blade, prevented the head from sinking too
far into the handle (fig. 26). At first the flanges and
the stop-ridge were very slight, but they gradually
were increased in size, and indeed the subsequent
evolution to a large extent consisted of modifications
of these parts of the tool. At this time, also, the sides
of the implement began to be ornamented with marks
hammered or punched on the surface.

The further development lay in the increase of the
flanges and the stop-ridges, till they produced a sort
of cell or pocket on each side of the blade. At the
same time the blade itself was made smaller and
narrower. The finished tool at this stage is commonly

126 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

called a paktave, a corruption of an Icelandic word.1
Another new feature which appears at this stage is
the addition of a loop at the side of the tool — clearly
for a thong with which it could be tied to the haft and
so prevented from flying off. Cast ornament (not
engraved or punched) now makes its appearance for
the first time. This most frequently takes the form

FIG. 26 — HAFTED PALSTAVE

of a shield-like projection just under the stop -ridge.
Palstaves are sometimes found with double loops,
one on each side. In such cases we must suppose
either that the tool was mounted on a straight handle,
as a modern chisel, or that it was hafted in the ordinary
way, and that the second loop was provided so that
the. blade could be reversed, if there was any reason
for doing so.

In the bed of a stream near Fearann Fuar, Co.
Kerry, was found a palstave enclosed in a leather
case. Most unfortunately the fisherman who made
this unique find threw the leather away, in ignorance of
its value, and kept the palstave, believing it to be gold.2

The side flanges still continue to grow in size, and

1 There seems to be some confusion as to which Icelandic word
the term is derived from. In Icelandic pall means a hoe or spud,
pdllsstqfr would mean the " staff " or handle of such a tool. On
the other hand there is a word pdlstafr occurring in some of the
sagas, denoting a sort of missile. Either word is therefore inapplic-
able, in strictness, to the tool before us ; but quite apart from its
etymology it has become so well established as an archaeological
term that it can hardly be dislodged, though to a purist it should
be almost as objectionable as the word " celt " itself.

2JRSAI, xvi, 281.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 127

the next stage is reached when the angle between the
flanges and the stop-ridge disappears - in other words,
the stop-ridge becomes absorbed in the flanges, and
the cell or pocket which characterises the palstave
type instead of being square-ended becomes pointed.
At this stage the flanges are of such great size that
they almost meet on the outer side of the handle, and
are invariably bent to follow the curve of its surface.
Finally the flanges meet one another and coalesce ;
the septum of metal which formed the tail of the
original axe-head is suppressed ; and we are left with
a socketed celt, the last stage of development. With
the advent of the socket the necessity of splitting the
handle ceased. The side loop is retained and the
axe-head is bound to the haft with thongs (fig. 27).

FIG. 27 — HAFTED SOCKETED AXE

IX. The periods of the Bronze Age follow this
development. The FIRST of these is the Copper Age,
in which tools were made of unalloyed copper. Some
writers talk about an Aeneolithic Age. If it be neces-
sary to use such a clumsy word, it should be restricted
to the transitional period when the metal was treated
as a stone, and hammered into shape. This period is
really the last phase of the Stone Age ; the dividing
line was crossed when the metal was fused and cast.
The Copper Age proper is the period of the flat copper
axes, without flange.

The SECOND period is that of the flat flanged axes —
the first Bronze period, strictly speaking.

The THIRD is the palstave period : the FOURTH the
period of the axes with exaggerated flanges (" winged
celts "), developing into the socketed celts which
specially characterise the FIFTH period.

i28 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

X. One last question remains to be considered
before we proceed to a description of the Irish weapons
and implements of the Bronze Age. Did this evolution
which we have traced work itself out in Ireland inde-
pendently, or were the successive improvements in
the bronze celt invented abroad and imported into
Ireland ?

The fact that the same line of development was
followed all over Europe shews that no one region
can claim to have the credit of these successive inven-
tions. There are certain slight local differences in
style, but the general form of the tool passes through
the same series of transformations. There was in
fact an essential unity in the culture of northern
Europe, and Ireland had a share in it, but did not
necessarily originate anything in it. On the other
hand, owing to the wealth of remains that have come
down to us in Ireland from the Bronze Age, perhaps
there is no other country of northern Europe that
affords such full material for the study of bronze-age
civilisation. Ireland, in fact, is the great pre-historic
museum of northern Europe.

There is one interesting fact which shews that the
socketed celt, at least, must have been imported. In
countries where the socketed celt has developed by
natural evolution from the palstave, it often displays
a reminiscence of the " wings " of the previous stage,
in the shape of a pair of ornamental curves cast on
the outer surface of the socket. No socketed celts
have been found in Ireland, so far as I have been able
to discover after much search, bearing this ornament.
This shews that at some time a limited number of
socketed celts without this particular ornament —
probably of inferior quality — were imported into
Ireland, and that these set the models from which the
socketed celts made in the country were imitated.
That the Irish socketed celts were not all imported,
but were made locally, is shewn by the existence in
the country of moulds for casting them : besides,

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 129

had all of them been imported, we should certainly
have found many among them with the ornament
mentioned. The total absence of this ornament can
be explained only in the way set forth above, and thus
an interesting historic fact can be recovered.1

THE FIRST PERIOD

I. The first period is, as we have already said, the
same as the Age of Copper ; and is so much a time of
transition that it might almost equally well be spoken
of as the last phase of the Stone Age. Chipped and
polished implements of stone are freely used : in
fact the use of copper for a certain limited number
of objects is the only distinguishing feature which
this period presents. As the copper is fused and cast,
however, not hammered into shape, it is more correct
to class the Copper Age with the Age of Metal which
follows it than with the Age of Stone which precedes it.

The Copper Celt (fig. 28) is a blade, shaped in out-
line like the polished celts of stone, but flat and not
convex in section. There is a broad cutting edge at
one end of the blade ; the other end, called the tail
or the butt, is narrow and blunt. These implements
range from about 3 to about 6 inches in length. They
are usually roughly made, and they show every sign of
being the first tentative efforts in a new technique.
In the earliest and rudest tools of this type the sides
are straight, tapering regularly from the edge to the
tail. But it was soon found that the efficiency of the
tool was not impaired, and that metal was economised
by making the sides concave in outline ; a cusp
accordingly began to appear at the end of the edge.
From the cusp the side of the tool curves inwards
towards the tail.

1 Sir John Evans (Bronze Implement*, p. 132), figures a celt of
this kind, with the curved ornaments " from the Crofton Croker
Collection." Though this suggests an Irish origin for the specimen
in question, it is not conclusive — a good illustration of the import-
ance of recording the provenance of objects of antiquity.

I

1 3o IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

II. In the previous chapter an experimenter was
pictured, making hollows in the floor of his hut, and
amusing himself by directing the flow of molten
metal into them and watching the result. Some such
process must have preceded the manufacture of tools

FIG. 28 — COPPER CELTS

of metal by casting. The first moulds must have been
open hollows in the ground ; the oldest moulds that
have survived to our time are similar open hollows
in blocks of stone — merely a permanent form of the

FIG. 29 — MOULDS FOR CASTING FLAT CELTS

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 131

open moulds of clay (fig. 29). The indentations
correspond to the outlines of the implements which
it was desired to make ; the molten copper was poured
into them, and left uncovered, to cool and harden.
It was then taken out, and slightly trimmed and
sharpened ; and the tool was complete.

III. The introduction of metal, so far from being
the immediate death-blow to the use of flint that we
might have expected, proved to be a stimulus to the
workers in stone to produce weapons comparable in
smoothness and fineness with the objects in the new
material. The metal was rare in comparison with
stone, and even down to the end of the Bronze Age
waste scraps of broken tools were bought up for re-
melting. One such bronze-caster's hoard was found,
many years ago, in Co. Roscommon ; it contained
fragments of some objects of whose types no perfect
specimen has been found in the country 1; the character
of the fragments shewed that the hoard belonged to
the fifth period. An even later hoard was that found
at Annesborough, Co. Armagh, the component objects
of which are now preserved in the Museum of the
Royal Irish Academy.2 This group consists of a
bronze torque, broken ; a palstave ; and two feature-
less bracelets. Together these might have been a
third-period hoard : but along with them, and not
to be separated from the hoard, was a brooch of Roman
provincial type, not earlier than the first century B.C.

Stone still had the advantage of cheapness ; but
a chipped stone tool would be disagreeably rough in
comparison with a smooth metal implement, and we
can hardly doubt that the high polish which the later
stone implements display was the result of an attempt
to carry the technique of stone polishing to the stand-
ard set by the later material. This reaction of metal
on stone is not infrequently to be observed in imple-
ments from the overlap period. It is practically

1 JRSAI, xi, 120 : xv, 265, 266.
*PRIA, xxxii, C, p. 171.

132 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

certain that the magnificent flint daggers of Scandi-
navia, by far the finest examples of flint-chipping
that Europe affords, are due directly to the attempt
to emulate the works of the copper caster. In Ireland
and elsewhere flat stone celts sometimes come to light
(fig. 20 ante), which are certainly translations into
stone of a type produced originally by metal workers.
Indeed, it was doubtless this ambitious spirit of emu-
lation, rather than the direct advantage of metal over
stone, which ultimately killed the stone industry. For
stone had a certain superiority over pure copper. It
was harder, and a stone edge was not continually
becoming turned. But as the frog burst when it tried
to emulate the ox, so the stone workers exhausted
themselves when they laboured to produce tools in
their difficult material such as could be turned much
more expeditiously out of the moulds.

IV. From what has been said in the preceding
paragraph it will be seen that the Copper Age was
distinguished by finely polished tools and weapons in
stone, such as are conspicuous in every good collection
of pre-historic antiquities. Among these we must
especially mention the hammer-axes, the most formid-
able weapon at the disposal of the warrior of the time.
We have given a description of these objects in the
preceding chapter. The characteristic which made
the hammer-axe so valuable was its massiveness and
weight — which would have been unattainable in
metal without an extravagant expenditure of the
material. It was natural, therefore, that these weapons
should be made of heavy blocks of stone.

V. There is another weapon of metal to be assigned
to this period : the triangular tangless dagger, which
is likewise an imitation of the corresponding weapon
in flint (fig. 31). The blade of this dagger is usually
rounded at the butt, and is fitted into a handle of horn,
wood, or bone, to which it was secured with metal
rivets. The triangular form of the blade is often
obscured, in actual specimens, by the result of later
grinding and sharpening, which has the effect of

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 133

making the originally straight edges of the blade
concave. It is to be noticed that this concave edge is
sometimes imitated in flint arrow-heads, most of which

FIG. 31 — TRIANGULAR DAGGERS

are almost certainly to be ascribed to the Bronze Age :
an example is added to fig. 28.

THE SECOND PERIOD

I. The Second Period of the Bronze Age was in-
augurated by the discovery of the art of making the
bronze alloy. This development of a use for tin, at
first, apparently, a useless metal, was a stimulus to
trade ; and for northern Europe at least, Cornwall
must have at once become a region of outstanding
importance. Only there was the metal to be found
in sufficient quantity. For Cornish tin (or, more
probably, for bronze alloyed in Cornwall with tin)
Ireland bartered gold ; and the fine collection of
bronze implements and weapons of Irish provenance
in the collection of the Royal Irish Academy is a
testimony to the active commercial enterprise of the
Bronze Age.

II. The fantasies of Vallancey and others of his
school — fantasies which are not confined to him or
to his period, but which crop up even yet in popular
publications — were to a great extent based on a mis-

134 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

understanding of the nature and the processes of the
tin trade. It was supposed that the Mediterranean
peoples, especially the Phoenicians, traded directly
with] the tin owners of Cornwall . From this it was but
a step to suppose that it was the Phoenicians who
brought their civilisation and their religious beliefs
and cultus to these islands. Happily for the theorists,
nobody even yet knows very much about the Phoeni-
cians, their religion and their civilisation, so there
was and still is free scope for speculation — of which
Vallancey and his modern imitators have fully availed
themselves.

The true nature of the tin trade and the method of
its prosecution can be well illustrated by a modern
instance which came under my own notice, worth
mentioning on account of its own interest. When I
was conducting excavations for the Palestine Explora-
tion Fund at a site within view of the town of Jaffa,
one of my workmen wished to send some money to
his son, then in military service near Lake Van in
Armenia — a distance of about 630 miles as the crow
flies. Having good reason to distrust the official
Turkish post, in the matter of the safe transport of
valuables, he gave the packet to a muleteer of his
acquaintance who was going on his own business to
Nablus. In the market there the muleteer met another
proceeding to Damascus, and he delivered the packet
into his keeping. Thence it passed by the same means
to Aleppo ; and so on, from hand to hand and from
town to town, till it reached the person for whom it
was intended. A letter acknowledging the receipt
was sent southwards by the same route, and reached
the original sender about two months from the begin-
ning of the transaction. In like manner the tin was
carried across the continent by a series of caravans,
exchanging their goods at the meeting-places. Doubt-
less they exchanged other things as well— folk-stories,
news, descriptions of new discoveries, and so forth —
and thus the development of civilisation progressed
over the whole area of the continent.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 135

III. The stone industry disappeared in the Second
Period. After this we find nothing of importance in
stone, except arrow and javelin heads, a few hammers,
like those already described, and occasional belated
flint flake knives. The effort to rival the easily-made
metal tools was too great, and the trade in stone
perished, except for instruments for which stone is
especially suitable. Thus, the wrist-guards of archers
(designed to protect the hand from the cut of the
released bow-string) are almost always made of
polished stone (fig. 31).

FIG. 31 — ARCHER'S WRIST GUARD

IV. The flat axe is not wholly abandoned in this
period ; but the normal celt is now the flanged axe.
This is much more artistically made than the flat
axe ; the bronze casters have by now learned how to
manipulate the new material neatly. They have also
found that it can be ornamented. No attempt is
made to ornament the ordinary stone tools (with a
very few exceptions), nor are the flat celts of the
First Period decorated in any way. But the artificers
of the Second Period found that pleasing devices
could be scratched or punched on the surface of their
handiworks, and accordingly we find the flanged axe-
blades enriched by these means. Sometimes flat axes,
unflanged (but made of bronze, and therefore Second
Period), are similarly decorated : an example from
Stoneyford, Co. Antrim, is figured JRSAI, xiii, 153.
And even when giving the final hammering to the tools,
designed to trim away the roughness left in the first cast-
ing, and to harden and consolidate the metal, the work-
man was careful so to direct his hammer-strokes as to
make artistic patterns. Thus, the outer surface of
the flanges is often beaten into a sort of rope-pattern,
or into a series of little pyramids.

136 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

In shape the flanged axe-head resembles the flat
celt. Between the flanges there is an incipient stop-
ridge — a raised line running across the surface of the

FIG. 32 — FLANGED AXE-HEADS

blade, to prevent the axe-head being driven too far
into the handle. Both flanges and stop-ridge are at
first very slight, but they increase in size as their use-
fulness becomes more and more apparent.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 137

V. The triangular dagger persists through the
Second Period. The weapon is short, adapted for
close hand-to-hand righting. There is as yet no
bronze spear-head ; arrows and javelins, which are
tipped with stone, are the only weapons made for
righting at a distance.

But the advantage of keeping an adversary at more
than arms' length while perforating him with a dagger

FIG. 31 — HALBERDS

138 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

is so obvious that the men of the Second Period turned
their attention to the problem of how to attain this
desirable end. Their first solution was to mount a
dagger at the end of a long handle, and at right angles
to its axis : in other words, to substitute a sharp-edged
blade for the heavy but comparatively blunt stone
casse-tfoe or hammer-axe. Thus was invented a very
important weapon, the halberd (fig. 31).

The halberd spread over part of Europe at the
beginning of the Bronze Age, and the use of this
weapon forms an important link between Ireland and
Western Europe in the early part of the Bronze Age.
Representations of it are to be found in pre-historic
carvings in Northern Italy ; and specimens have come
to light in Spain, Ireland, Scotland, Germany, and
elsewhere. In the earliest halberds, which not im-
probably belong to the Copper Age, the blade is small
and triangular — it is in fact identical in shape with
the ordinary riveted dagger. From this, however, it
can be distinguished by the marks of the grain of the
wooden handle, which are frequently to be seen
impressed on the rusted surface of the butt of the
blade. When these marks shew the grain at right
angles to the axis of the blade we have to deal with a
weapon which was mounted halberd-wise on its
handle.

The halberd became very prominent among the
weapons of early Ireland. The blade in Continental
specimens remained comparatively small ; in Ireland
it was increased to a considerable size — some Irish
halberd-blades are almost as long as small swords.
The Irish type, moreover, assumes a peculiar scythe-
like shape, the blade being convex along one edge,
and concave along the other. By this peculiarity
Irish halberds are easily distinguished from daggers
or rapiers, and can be identified as Irish (or, at least,
as of Irish type) whenever specimens are found in
other countries.

The halberd blades of this kind are almost pure
copper — another distinguishing feature, though this

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 139

cannot be determined except by chemical analysis.
We might at first sight be tempted on this account
to put the halberd-blades back into the First Period,
with the copper celts. But we must remember that
the absence of tin in Ireland made the alloy very
expensive, especially at its first introduction, ami
that therefore it would be an almost impossible extra-
vagance to make such large blades of bronze. At

FIG. 34 — LUNULA

Biorra, King's Co., a hoard was found containing some
very slightly flanged celts and a halberd, all of copper.
The flanges date the celts to the Second Period, their
slightness and the metal used to the beginning of that
period.1

1 For an analysis of the types of Irish halberds see G. Coffey,
Irish Copper Halberds (PRIA, xxvii, C, p. 94).

140 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

VI. The presence of gold in Ireland early made it
available for decoration, and gave a stimulus to the
development of ornament. Already in the Second
Period we met with an important type of gold decora-
tion, the lunula.

This is a thin plate or film of gold, cut to a crescentic
form. The horns of the crescent terminate, in perfect
specimens, in small discs, the plane of which is turned
at right angles to the plane of the lunula. The surface
of the lunula is ornamented on one side with delicately
engraved patterns (fig. 34). These are always clustered
on the horns of the crescent, which are usually covered
all over with decoration, and extend in narrow lines
along the edges of the broadest part, leaving the
surface in the middle of the broadest part bare of
ornament.1 This curious distribution of the decora-
tion, which is the direct contrary to what we should
have expected, has been ingeniously explained by
Mr. CofFey as pointing to an origin for the idea of the
lunula in the suspension of two chains of beads round
the neck, which would hang loose and open in front,
but would mass together on the shoulders. For it is
certain that the lunula was a form of collar :2 the flat
plates at the end of the horns were catches for se-
curing a cord by which the lunula was prevented
from slipping off.

The ornamentation of lunulae is invariably linear,
consisting of triangles, lozenges, and other combina-
tions of straight lines. Dots are also used for purposes
of enrichment ; but curved lines are never used. The
same is true of the ornamentation of flanged axes.

1 If we may believe a rude woodcut in Vallancey's Collectanea,
vi, 260, a lunula " found on the banks of the canal " was ornamen-
ted with a zigzag covering the broad part of the surface. But it
is probable that the thin plate of gold was crumpled; and that the
fanciful Vallancey took the creases for ornament.

2 The old idea that it is the mind occasionally referred to in the
romantic literature, and that it was worn as a sort of diadem ver-
tically over the top of the head, cannot be sustained. The orna-
ments would not fit on the head in the manner suggested, and the

dentification involves a monstrous anachronism.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 141

Lunulae are dated by this identity of ornament, and
by the fact that two lunulae were found in Cornwall
associated with flat axes of bronze.

FIG. 35— MAP OF DISTRIBUTION OF LUNULAE

Mr. Coffey has drawn a map (fig. 35) shewing the
distribution of lunulae,1 so far as the provenance of
the recorded specimens can be ascertained. It shews
that this form of ornament is scattered all over Ireland,

Crawford in the

as been done independently by Mr.
Geographical Journal, Vol. xl, (1912), p.

195-

142 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

but outside Ireland is rare, and as a rule is found only
in places easily accessible from Ireland. It is quite
clear, therefore, that Ireland was the centre of distribu-
tion. The specimens from Cornwall, just mentioned,
bear out what has already been said about the early
establishment of a trade with that region.

FIG. 36 — GOLD ORNAMENT FROM THE BOG OF CUILLEANN

VII. The lunula is the most characteristic gold
ornament of the Second Period ; other gold objects
are, for the greater part, of a later date. We may,
however, mention a peculiar ornament figured, but
not described, by Vallancey,1 said to have been dug

1 Collectanea, vi, plate xvi, p. 258.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 143

up in the bog of Cuilleann, Co. Tipperary (fig. 36).
This was a disc of gold, jl inches in diameter, orna-
mented with concentric circles and a chevron pattern
round the edge — the latter being the same kind of
linear ornament as is found on the lunulae. The disc
was pressed up into the shape of an irregular cone,
perforated with a small hole at the apex. This shape
is intentional, not accidental, as is indicated by the

FIG. 37 — OAKEN Box FOR HOLDING A LUNULA

stoppage of the ornament on the steep side of the
cone. As a specimen found at Newtown, Cros Domh-
naigh, Co. Cavan, shews, the lunula when not in use
was kept in an oaken box, cut to fit (fig. 37).

THE THIRD PERIOD

I. Though the flat flanged celt has not wholly dis-
appeared, the palstave is the normal type of this
period. It may have one or two loops at the side to
hold the cord by which it was secured to the handle ;

144 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

or such loops may be completely absent. The flange-
less flat celt has quite vanished, and the socketed celts
have not yet come into existence (fig. 38).

FIG. 38 — PALSTAVE

II. The triangular dagger, without tang, and secured
to the handle with rivets, still persists. The blade is,
however, of a different shape. In the first two periods
the blade of this form of weapon was rather short
and stumpy. It is nowr longer and narrower, and
makes a much more effective weapon. The blade is
generally strengthened by means of a rib running
down the axis on both sides.

The hafts of these weapons were normally made of
bone or of wood ; and these materials being perish-
able it is rare to find them undecayed. In a few
cases they were made of bronze, and sometimes these
bronze handles remain, riveted to the blade. But
bronze hafts must always have been comparatively
rare. In fig. 39 we shew three examples of daggers
retaining handles of bronze or of oak wood.1

But in addition to this survival of the triangular
dagger, we find two new types of this form of weapon
introduced, both of which are of considerable import-
ance. The first of these is the triangular tanged dagger.
It is frequently spoken of as the Arreton Down type,
from a place in the Isle of Wight where a typical speci-
men was found. It was not at first certain whether
this was a dagger or a spear-head, but the question is
now decided in favour of the former hypothesis. But

1 A short list of weapons still retaining their original haft will
be found in JRSAI, xii, p. 195.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 145

the weapon is connected in an interesting way with
the spear-head : for the socketed spear-head developed
out of it, by a process not unlike the evolution of the
socketed celt.

FIG. 39 — HAFTED DAGGERS

This process was as follows (fig. 40). The tang of
the dagger was inserted in a handle, after the fashion
of a dinner knife. A ferrule was fixed round the lower

146 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

end of the wooden handle, just as in a modern chisel,
to prevent the wood from splitting. Such a ferrule
was at first separate from the dagger ; but at last it
coalesced with it, the tang was then suppressed, and

FIG. 40 — EVOLUTION OF THE SOCKETED SPEAR-HEAD FROM THE
ARRETON DOWN DAGGER

the socketed head was thus evolved, which, if fitted
on a short handle, was a socketed dagger, and if fitted
on a long handle was a socketed spear-head.1 This

FIG. 41 — SOCKETED DAGGER

socketed tool as a dagger is already known in the Third
Period ; it is the second of the two types of dagger
just referred to (fig. 41). Here, then, we come for
the first time to the manufacture of socketed tools.
At this point, where more elaborate problems in metal

1 This development has been traced out in an elaborate paper
by the Rev. Canon Greenwell and Mr. W. P. Brewis, entitled The
Origin, Evolution, and Classification of the Bronze Spear-head in
Great Britain and Ireland, published in Archeeologia, Ixi, 439.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 147

casting meet us, it may be well to say a few words
about the moulds used by bronze casters in Ireland.

III. In the beginning, when nothing was made of
metal except flat axes and daggers, a sufficient mould
was a depression of the required shape in the surface

FIG. 42 — MOULDS

of a stone, or even of the ground (fig. 29 ante). But
when ornament began to be applied, by casting,
to both sides of the implement, clearly a mould
for both sides would be required. Thus we

148 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

find the double mould invented, with two cor-
responding indentations, and with a channel lead-
ing to the hollow intercepted between the two
halves of the mould. Mortices and tenons cor-
responding to one another on the two faces of the
mould kept them from slipping or from being mis-
placed with reference to one another. The molten
metal was poured in at the end of the channel, and,
when it cooled, the moulds were taken apart and the
implement taken out from between them. The knob
of hardened metal that filled up the channel through
which the molten bronze was poured into the mould
was then broken off the implement ; such knobs are
a constant feature of the deposits in bronze casters'
hoards. The instrument was then completed by
polishing and sharpening on a grindstone. Often
multiple moulds are found, i.e., stones bearing on all
their sides indentations for casting different types of
objects. Such moulds are of great value as indicating
which types were contemporary. The existing
specimens of moulds are usually made of stone, some-
times of metal. A few fragments of clay moulds have
been found in sandhill sites : two such will be seen
in fig. 42.

When it was required to make a tool with a socket,
a method was followed which may thus be described.1
The mould was first filled with clay, which was
allowed to dry and harden. When the clay was solid,
its surface was carefully pared away till it became of
the size of the interior of the intended socket, leaving a
block at the butt end by which it could be supported
in position inside the mould. A channel was drilled
through this clay block for pouring the metal into
the mould. The clay was then replaced in the mould ;
the block at the top secured it in the right position,
and the molten bronze was then poured into the space

1 It has been deduced from the materials supplied by the hoards
of bronze-casters, containing implements the manufacture of which
had for some reason been suspended.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 149

between the walls of the mould and the clay core — in
fact, metal was poured in to take the place of the
parings of clay removed from the outer surface of
the core. When the metal cooled it was taken out,
and the clay core picked out, leaving the empty
socket : the tool was then complete, except for its
final grinding and polishing.

IV. The lunula has now disappeared, and has given
place to the torque (fig. 43). The torque, strictly
speaking, is a twisted ring, though the name is often

FIG. 43 — TORQUES.

rather loosely extended to neck-collars that do not
display the characteristic twist. A torque properly
consists either of a bar of metal or of a ribbon-like
strip — it may be either bronze or gold — twisted like
a screw. It is supposed that the ribbon of metal was
secured between two bars of bronze, and that all were
twisted together, the bars being subsequently removed.
There are, however, several varieties of ornament

i 5o IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

grouped together under the name torque. Sometimes
two ribbons were bent longitudinally into an L-shape,
and welded, back to back, in this form IL : by this
ingenious method a screw of four edges was ob-
tained. Sometimes wires are twisted round a bar
of metal ; and sometimes the screw effect is obtained
by engraving, not by twisting. These last two
varieties are probably of later date. The screw, how-

FIG. 43A — TORQUES

ever made, was bent into a loop, and provided at the
ends with hooks clasping into one another, thus
making a collar.

Bronze torques are rare in Ireland : a broken speci-
men was included in the Annesborough hoard,
referred to above, page 131.

Torques were as a rule ornaments for the neck ;
but large torques exist which, if intended for human
wear at all, must have been girdles. The great torques
found early in the last century at Teamhair (the two

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 151

outermost examples in fig. 43) were of this kind. It
is not impossible that these objects were votive :
there is some evidence that there was an ancient
sanctuary close to the place where they were found.

VI. This is the place to refer to the Strangford
Loch find, as it may be called, the story of which is
instructive as illustrating the unsatisfactory means at
present available for safeguarding monuments of
antiquity.

About 1911 vague stories of a find of gold objects
somewhere in Ireland began to be circulated among
archaeologists here and in England. The place and
circumstances of the find were most carefully con-
cealed, to evade the law of treasure-trove ; and of
what it originally consisted will probably never be
known. A part of the hoard passed into the possession
of a London dealer, who offered it to the British
Museum. The Museum communicated with the
authorities of the National Museum in Dublin, as
the objects were Irish, before entering into nego-
tiations with the dealer. There were some difficulties
in the way of their acquisition, but that Gordian knot
was cut by the generosity of Lord Iveagh, who pur-
chased the lot and presented them to the National
Museum.

We must now note of what this part of the find
consisted (fig. 44). There were five small models of
axe-heads, of the flat flanged type, beautifully made
in solid and very pure gold, and ornamented with
impressed spirals : two pins, one of which was
ornamented with similar spirals ; but the other, of a
late Iron Age type, could not have belonged to the
original find, and must have been added to the lot
by one of the persons through whose hands the
find passed : a torque : a small bracelet : and a
inpdel of a shield, in a less pure gold than the other
objects. The flat flanged axes are of Second Period
type, but the hoard is not necessarily so old : indeed,
it may be questioned whether the shape of the genuine
pin, which is of a rare and a late type, does not make
the Fourth or the Fifth Period a more suitable date.

FIG. 44 — THE STRANGFORD LOCH HOARD

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 153

The find may be called the Strangford Loch find,
because the first stories told about it localised in the
neighbourhood of that inlet. Other stories were told
later ; and careful enquiry round the loch gleaned no
information whatever. In the absence of satisfactory
information the name Strangford Loch will serve as
a label for the find as well as any other.

After the acquisition of the objects persistent
rumours now began to be circulated that the whole
series were forgeries. A well-known collector wrote
to say that he had purchased some pieces from the
hoard, and that he was so certain that they were not
genuine that he proposed to melt them down. Before
doing so he kindly lent them to the Royal Irish Aca-
demy for inspection. They consisted of some silver
ornaments, which were certainly forged : a number
of small rings and bracelets of the torque type, of a
common type, probably genuine : and four or five
axes, very clumsily imitated from the genuine ones.
These were unquestionably forged, and by the very
badness of their execution they made the genuineness
of the original series the more probable.1

With these data we can reconstruct the history of
the find. It was probably made accidentally, in the
course of agricultural operations. The hoard con-
sisted of the axes (probably a necklace) and the shield,
some torques, bracelets, pins, etc. Had the finders
honestly offered them to the Royal Irish Academy
they would have received a fair price for them, out of
the Government Grant which is put at the disposal
of that body for the express purpose of acquiring
such objects as the permanent property of the nation,
and of securing their perpetual preservation in Ireland.
As it was, they most likely disposed of them to some

1 In describing these objects (PRIA, xxxii, C, p. 177) I quoted
Sir C. H. Read as advocating the authenticity of these objects. He
has now made it clear to me that he condemned them from the
first, and I take this opportunity of expressing my sincere regret
that through a misunderstanding I incorrectly interpreted his
opinions.

i54 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

travelling huckster, at probably half the sum which
they would have obtained through the legitimate
channels. The middleman, into whose hands they fell,
sold one or two of the axes and some of the ordinary
things first ; finding that the axes, being unusual
objects, attracted special attention, he melted down
a number of the more commonplace objects and
made axes out of them, with the twofold purpose of
increasing the value of his merchandise and of covering
his tracks.

After this glance at the seamy side of Archaeology,
we turn with relief to the find itself, or rather to the
poor remnant which is left to us, to see what can be
made out of it.

There can be no doubt that the axes are amulets,
and that they represent a widespread European cult,
one phase of which is the Cretan worship of the double
axe. This cult has its roots far back in the mind of
primitive man. The massive hammer-axe was his
most deadly weapon. With it he subdued his enemies,
and slaughtered wild and monstrous animals. There
must surely be a god in it, we may suppose him
thinking, which made such wonders possible. So
these little objects have a very long ancestry behind
them.

The shield is especially interesting. No shield has
survived to us from the earlier period of the Bronze
Age. It is probable that these defences were then
made of wood or of leather. We have, however,
shields of bronze, wood, and leather both in Ireland
and in Scandinavia dating from the end of the Bronze
and the beginning of the Iron Age. These shields
are circular, and are ornamented with various patterns.
The patterns are symmetrical, but it is curious that
at one point in the circle the symmetry of these
patterns is often broken, without any apparent reason.
It has been ingeniously inferred from this that there
was an earlier form of shield having an observation-
notch cut in the circumference, to enable the wearer
to peep out without exposing himself more than was
absolutely necessary ; and that the breaks in the

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 155

patterns on the later shield are like the vestigial organs
of which biologists tell us — the relics remaining in
the higher forms of life of functional organs belonging
to the lower forms of life out of which they have
evolved. No actual shield has come to light with
such a notch ; but it appears in the model before us.
The shield is further perforated with four holes in a
row, as though for receiving a strap ; and it is orna-
mented with faintly incised linear ornaments and
spirals, over which another series of spirals has been
stamped.

THE FOURTH PERIOD

I. In the Fourth Period, which is the time of tran-
sition— from the cruder stages of civilisation in the
earlier periods to the comparatively high standard of
the fifth — the palstave still persists. It is, however,
giving place to the winged celt, in which the stop-
ridge, having attained its maximum size, begins to
disappear. Towards the end of the period the
socketed celt begins to come into use. The earlier
forms of celt are rare, if, indeed, they are used at all.

FIG. 45 — SOCKETED SPEAR-HEADS

156 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

II; The socketed spear-head makes its appearance
in this period. It develops out of the tanged dagger
of the Arreton Down type, in the manner described
on a previous page. Loops are provided either on
the sides of the socket or under the wings of the
spear-head, for thongs by means of which it was
secured to the shaft. The wings of the spear-head
are strengthened with ribs, the design of which is
often very artistic.

In fourth-period spears, the head was secured to
the shaft by means of cords passed through loops

FIG. 46 — MOULDS FOR CASTING SOCKETED SPEAR-HEADS

cast in the sides of the socket. The moulds shew that
these loops were cast in a semicircular form, and then,
in finishing the tool, hammered flat. The hammering
was always artistically done, so as to give to the outer
surface of the loop a lozenge-shape. Occasionally,
though not often, it is decorated yet further : thus
in a spear-head found at Cathair Mor, Ros Cairbre,
Co. Cork,1 the outer surface is decorated with a saltire.
The butt end of a spear-head was protected with
a ferrule, commonly socketed, but occasionally provided

1 Figured in Journal^ Cork Hist, and Arch. Soc., 1899, p. 200

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 157

with a tang. A bronze terminal of this description,
with a pointed end and provided with a square tang,
was found near the hill of Teamhair. It is described
as being nearly 3 inches in length.1 This object is,
however, most probably Iron Age : similar ferrules
were found at the iron-age settlement of La Tene in
Switzerland.

The side loops began to creep up the socket, if we
may so express it, as evolution advanced. At first
they were about midway between the base of the
wings of the blade and the rim of the socket. In all
cases but one, they are exactly opposite one another :
the one exception is a fine spear-head of unrecorded
provenance in the R.I.A. collection (fig. 47), in which
the loop on one side is close to the wing, while that

FIG. 47 — SPEAR-HEAD WITH THE LOOPS UNSYMMETRICALLY PLACED

on the other is about three-quarters of the way down
between the wing and the rim of the socket. When
the fourth period passes into the fifth the loops have
risen up the socket till they are immediately under
the wings ; indeed they are generally so designed as
to be a continuation of a strengthening rib running
down the blade. Spear-heads of this form are among
the most artistic weapons extant. Finally, in the
course of the fifth period, the loop actually enters the
blade, and appears as an opening in the wing, which
is little more than mere ornament : for the spear-head
is now secured to its shaft by means of a rivet passed
through a hole provided for its reception.2

III. But it is the development of the tangless dagger
which is of special importance in this period. We saw

1 A. G. More, On an ancient bronze implement found near the
Hill of Tar a, PRIA, xv, 25.

2 For a study of the types of Irish Spear-heads see G. Coffey,
Notes on the Classification of Spear-heads of the Bronze Age found
in Ireland, PRIA, xix, 486.

FIG. 48— RAPIERS

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 159

it in the First Period as a stumpy triangular blade,
which in the Second Period gave birth to the halberd.
In the Second and Third Periods we see the blade
gradually lengthening and narrowing. In the Fourth
Period it becomes so long that it can no longer be
called a dagger ; we now have the rapier developed
(fig. 48). At much about the same time a parallel
line of evolution leads to the sword. The difference
between a rapier and a sword lies in this, that the
rapier is essentially a thrusting weapon, while the
sword, though in the Bronze Age it is brought to a
sharp point and can be used for thrusting, is essen-
tially a cutting weapon with sharp edges. These two
weapons, and the socketed spear-head, are the most
important contributions that the Fourth Period makes
to the armoury of the warrior.

The finest bronze rapier in existence is the wonderful
specimen found at Liosan, Co. Deny, which is nearly
3 feet long and only three-fifths of an inch across.
It was secured to its handle with two rivets. This
triumph of the bronze-caster's art is now to be seen
in the Royal Irish Academy's collection, which con-
tains other examples of the same class of weapon,
among them a splendid example from Inis Ceithlinn.1
A representation of the Liosan rapier will be found
in fig. 48.

IV. The sword of the Bronze Age has a gracefully
curved blade, narrow towards the hilt, widening
below, and then contracting again to a sharp point
(fig. 49). The handle is usually a flat tongue of metal,
projecting from the blade, and flanged for the recep-
tion of plates of bone or some such material, which
were secured by means of rivets. It is uncommon to
find swords with their hafting-plates remaining un-
decayed ; the well-known sword from Muc-shnamh,
Co. Monaghan, once in the Day Collection, but
now happily preserved in the Royal Irish Academy's

1 See G. Coffey, An Account of Rapiers and Early Swords of the
Bronze Age, PRIA, xxx, C, 88.

FIG. 49 — FOURTH-PERIOD SWORDS

FIG. 50 — HAFTED SWORDS

1 62 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Museum, is a good example. The haf ting-plates are
in this case said to be made of bones of a whale. A
rapier similarly hafted was found in the townland
of Gall-bhaile, Co. Tyrone, in 1864 : and another
sword in Co. Monaghan. The two latter are shewn

in fig. 50.
V. The i

invention of a sword involves the invention
of a scabbard. The edges of a sword have to be pro-
tected from injury to themselves, or from inflicting
hurt on such people as they are not intended to hurt.

FIG. 51 — SCABBARD-TIPS AND MOUNTS

It is, however, rare to find a sword-scabbard of metal
throughout its length from bronze-age deposits.
Scabbards of this period were made, we may presume,
of leather, tipped at the point with metal. Naturally
it is only these metal tips (called " chapes ") which
have survived (fig. 51). Chapes, as Dr. Montelius
has shewn,1 are of considerable chronological import-
ance. The earlier chapes are as a rule of smaller size :

1 In his paper on British Bronze Age Chronology, Archaeologia,
vol. Ixi, p. 97.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 163

those of the Fifth Period become extravagantly large,
with projecting points corresponding to similar pro-
jections at the base of the hilt. The purpose of these
projections is probably to serve as a foot-purchase in
drawing the sword from the scabbard.

Sword scabbards being thus as a rule made princi-
pally of leather, we can hardly expect that any part
of such objects should survive the corrosion of time,
with the exception of the metal mountings of the top
and the bottom. But they were occasionally made of

FIG. 52 — MOULD FOR CASTING SICKLES, COILL NA MADAIDH.

164 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

bronze ; fragments of one sword-scabbard of bronze
were identified in the hoard of waste scraps from Co.
Roscommon referred to above, page I3I.1

VI. The activity of the bronze caster in Ireland is
illustrated for us by his moulds of stone, which have
been found in considerable numbers ; shewing that
although the tin had to be imported the metal was
fused and cast into shape by native craftsmen. Special
mention should be made of a remarkable find of moulds

FIG. 52A — SICKLES

made at Coill na Madaidh, Co. Antrim, which has
been described by Mr. Coffey.2 These included
moulds prepared for casting looped socketed spear-
heads, which dates the find to the Fourth Period.
Most remarkable was a mould for casting a sickle
without socket. According to Mr. Coffey, "Up to
the time of its discovery the only sickles known in

1 See JRSAI, xv, p. 267.

2 G. Coffey, Recent Pre-historic Finds acquired by the Royal Irish
Academy : an important find of Moulds in Co. Antrim. PRIA,
jpcx, C, p. 83.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 165

Ireland were those furnished with a socket. No
moulds of any description had been found. In Britain,
though the type without the socket has been found,
it is rare, and mostly confined to the western counties.
On the Continent, the sickles without the socket are
the prevailing type, though a few socketed examples
have been found in the north-west of France." Two
specimens of Irish socketed sickles are shewn in fig. 52A

THE FIFTH PERIOD

I. The Fifth Period of the Bronze Age in northern
Europe is contemporary with the First Period of the
Iron Age in southern and eastern Europe. There
were doubtless influences working indirectly from
South to North during the 400 years for which this
period lasted, which had something to do with the
great advance in civilisation made during that time.
But these influences did not extend to the introduction
of the use of iron ; and therefore the part of Europe
with which we are here concerned is still counted as
being in the Bronze Age.

II. If a civilisation can be gauged by the amount of
specialisation which its products display, the Fifth
Period of the Bronze Age shews a great advance over
the preceding stages, not excepting the Fourth. To
begin with the weapons and implements inherited
from the Fourth Period, we still have palstaves and
winged celts, but the socketed celt is the normal type
(%- S3)-

FIG. 53 — SOCKETED CELTS

i66 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

The socketed spear-head persists ; many specimens
of this class of weapon are of great artistic beauty,
bearing ornamental ribbing and apertures cut in the
wings, enhancing the ornamental effect (fig. 54). The
ornamental ' perforation of the blade is a vestigial
relic of the! side-loops of fourth-period spear-heads.
Sometimes the opening is strengthened with flanges,
as in an example figured in the Journal of the Cork
Historical and Archaeological Association, 1901,
page IP2.1 The place of the side-loops, for securing
the head to the shafts, is now taken by rivet-holes, by
means of which a pin could be driven through the
shaft, securing the head.2

Rapiers disappear, for the obvious reason that the
sword, which can thrust as well as cut, is a more useful
weapon than the rapier, which can thrust only. The
Fifth-period swords (fig. 55) resemble those of the
Fourth Period, but can be distinguished from them
by a nick cut on the edge just below the handle. This
nick is probably meant to blunt the edge at that spot,
so preventing the hand from being wounded if it
should happen to slip in grasping the sword. Daggers,
tanged and socketed, are still found. A specimen from
Scol, Co. Cork, is figured in the Cork Historical and
Archaeological Association's Journal, 1905, page 186.

III. The following instruments added during the
Fifth Period may be enumerated : —

Razors (fig. 56) : fine blades of bronze either single
or (more commonly) double, with a rib backing and
supporting them. The rib is prolonged into a tang
for grasping the instrument ; the tang is not infre-

1 This specimen retains a fragment of the wooden shaft. The
paper describing it has some quite unintelligible speculation as
to how the shaft was secured in the socket.

2 Very few specimens of spear-heads containing the rivets have
come to light. Probably the rivets were made of wood, not of
bronze. They would naturally be made easily removable, as it
would often be important, in the stress of battle, for the owner
to be able to remove his spear-head from a broken shaft and fit
it on to a new shaft, at a moment's notice.

FIG. 54— FIFTH-PERIOD SPEAR-HEADS

-

FIG. 54A — FIFTH-PERIOD
SPEAR HEAD

FIG. 55 —FIFTH-PERIOD SWORDS.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 169

quently perforated for suspension. The Airthear
Maighe find, described below, contains a razor in its
original leather case.

FIG. 56 — RAZORS

Gouges : these are modifications of the socketed
celt, with a concave edge substituted for the straight
edge of the celt. The instrument as found in Ire-
land is almost always of small size, with a narrow
socket. The derivation from the socketed celt is
proved by the extreme rarity of other than socketed
gouges : there is but one tanged gouge in the great
collection of the Royal Irish Academy. An example
will be seen in fig. 61, No. 2.

FIG. 57 — GOLDSMITHS' HAMMERS, ANVILS AND PUNCH

170 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Goldsmiths' Hammers (fig. 57) : resembling small
socketed celts with a flat butt taking the place of the
edge.

Goldsmiths' Anvils (fig. 57) : These may take the
simple form of a more or less cubical block of bronze :
an example of this type, found in the neighbourhood
of Sligeach, is figured JRSAI, xvii, p. 538. It is
described as having a small particle of gold embedded
in the upper surface, indicating the use to which it
has been put. More elaborate types of anvils exist,
consisting of small tables of bronze with a spike below
for securing them to a board. Some have a spike
projecting sideways upon which small rings could be
hammered into shape.

Chisels (fig. 58) : which, unlike gouges, are usually
tanged. A shield is provided to prevent the tang
from being driven too far into the wooden handle :

FIG. 58— CHISELS AND LEATHER-CUTTERS' KNIFE

sometimes two projections, one on each side of the
stem, take the place of the shield.

Leather-cutters' knives (fig. 580) : As such is
probably to be explained a peculiar blade with tang
projecting from the back, found in the Sinann.

Trumpets and Cauldrons of bronze are frequently
found in Ireland, but as these most probably belong

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 171

to the early stages of the Iron Age we do not describe
them in the present volume.

IV. Shields, however, can be mentioned most
conveniently here. Though shields were no doubt
used much earlier than the Fifth Period, metal shields
of an earlier date are not known in Ireland. The
normal type of metal shield, circular and ornamented
with concentric bands of knobs, with ribs between in
repousse work ; they most likely belong to the period
of transition between the Bronze and the Iron Ages.

1

FIG. 59 — SHIELDS. A

A fine specimen, now in the R.I. A. Museum, from a
bog near Loch Gair, Co. Limerick (fig. 59 c.), may be
specially referred to. Of shields in materials other
than metal we may refer to one said to be in alder-
wood, from Co. Leitrim (fig. 59 A), and another in
leather from Cluain Bhrain, Co. Longford (fig. 593).
Both these shields display the remarkable interruption
in the symmetry of the ornamental pattern which, as

FIG. 59— SHIELDS. B

FIG. 59 — SHIELDS: B1

FIG. 59 — SHIELDS. C

FIG. 59 — SHIELDS. C1

has already been said, is a survival of the observation-
notch that must at one time have been made in the
edges of shields.1

1 It is right to mention a possible alternative explanation of this
interruption of the ornament : the widespread superstition against
unbroken rings, on which see J. G. Frazer, Taboo and the Perils
of the Soul, p. 313, et seqq.

i74 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

V. This is also the period of long ornamental pins
in bronze, with wide circular heads bent at right
angles to the shaft. Such a method of treating the
head has the advantage^of giving a wide surface for
decoration, and displaying it to the full without in-
conveniencing the wearer. A fine specimen formed
part of an interesting hoard of objects found in a bog
at Airthear Maighe, Co. Antrim, and now in the
Royal Irish Academy's collection. It includes a
socketed celt, and a flat-headed pin — these date the
find to the Fifth Period. There were also a socketed
gouge and a razor : the delicate edge of the latter was
protected by a sheath of leather Most remarkable
of all was the woollen garment in which these objects
were wrapped, and which had been preserved from
total destruction by the antiseptic action of the peat.
This cloak was ornamented with a fringe of horse-
hair of elaborate workmanship, which merits and
repays the closest scrutiny. It gives us a very high
opinion of the ingenuity of the artificers in textiles
of the fifth period of the Bronze Age.

VI. Some important types of objects in gold are
probably to be referred to the Fifth Period. Chief
among these is tl>at mysterious object which can
best be called the cupped rmg^(it is often called a
fibula, which is misleading).

The cupped ring is a bar of gold, bent into the
shape of a horseshoe, and terminating at each end in
conical cup-shaped expansions. There is no general
explanation of this type of object that will fit every
example of it. Some of them may be bracelets, but
others would not fit on any human wrist : there are
specimens of the type too small even for finger-rings.
Some of the most minute of these rings do not possess
the cups. These small rings are frequently known
by the name " ring-money." Occasionally specimens
are found consisting of bronze gilt. Of the larger
cupped rings some may be the fasteners of cloaks,
the cups buttoning into loops on each side of the
cloak, so that the whole ornament resembles the

FIG 60 — THE AIRTHEAR MAIGHE HOARD

FIG. 61 — THE AIRTHEAR MAIGHE HOARD. (Nos. 6-10 from Tulach, Co. Clare)

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 177

morse of a cope ; but then others are so heavy
that they could not be worn in the way suggested
with any comfort. It has been supposed that these
objects, which are found in so many different shapes
and sizes, are a primitive form of currency, and I
am strongly inclined to favour this idea. Before the
introduction of coined money, which we owe to the
Scandinavian kings of Dublin, the media of exchange
were gold, cattle, and slave-girls — this we learn from
the Irish Law tracts, which further make it clear
that the relatives/value of these three commodities
varied from time to time, and with! the condition
of the animals and the slaves. For the payment of
sums of money in gold weight, or whatever standard,

FIG 62 — CUPPED RINGS

it would be convenient to have the ingots in a weigh-
able shape, and in such a form that they could be used
as ornaments. It is a curious coincidence that bronze
rings in all respects similar to these are or have till
recently been used as a medium of currency in parts
of Africa. One of the Irish cupped bracelets, illustrated
by Vallancey, bears an Ogham inscription, but this
is undoubtedly a forgery. As a rule these objects are
plain, with little or no decoration : but Vallancey 1

1 If these objects had the use suggested, their weights must
necessarily conform to some fixed standard — though it is not to
be expected that they would be as accurate as modern mechanical
refinements could make them. Materials for the study of the
metrology of Irish gold ornaments have now been put at the dis-
posal of students by Mr. Armstrong's Catalogue, already cited
(p. 1 20 supra). I have tabulated all the weights of the cupped rings
there enumerated, and (though the full calculation cannot be
printed here) find evidence of two standards, respectively, of the
approximate values of 15 and 20 oz.

M

FIG. 62A — CUPPED RINGS

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 179

illustrates (from a drawing by a silversmith of Ath
Luain called Nowlan) an unusually ornate specimen.
This was found somewhere in Co. Galway, and ulti-
mately sold for 52 guineas (its weight in gold) to a
Dublin jeweller, who melted it down. On the convex
side of the cup there were twelve circles, concentric
with the outline, inside of which were little triangles.
There was also a band around the base of each cup.
A very interesting description of the technical
processes followed in the manufacture of an object of
this type was contributed by Mr. Edmond Johnson
to the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.1
This analysis, the work of a man of practical experience
in the art of the goldsmith, gives us a high opinion of
the technical skill of the ancient craftsmen. The
object described is made in five separate pieces — the
bow, the two cups, and the rims of the cups. The
gold was probably melted in a charcoal fire, which
alone would give sufficient heat with the means at
the artificer's disposal. The bow was formed straight
first, and afterwards bent into the curved shape.2 It
was shaped in a mould cut to the tapering form of
the bar by a hammering process known as swaging ;
the hammer being applied, not directly to the gold,
but to a stone similar to, but smaller than, the mould,
and with a corresponding hollow cut in it. By striking
with a hammer on the smaller stone, known as the
swage, turning the gold bar between successive
strokes, a smooth surface, circular in shape, was
obtained. The two cups were formed on anvils
of special shape. A socket was provided in the apex
of the cup, into which the edges of the bow were
fitted, and secured by sweating or surface-melting.
The rims of the cups were not secured by this process,

1 On Five Gold Fibulae lately discovered in the South of Ireland,
and on the Art Processes used in their Manufacture. PRIA, xix, 776.

2 A specimen of an unfinished cupped ring, which has not
been bent, actually exists : it was found at Inis Geimhleach, Co.
Cork, and has passed into the possession of the Royal Irish Academy
from the Day Collection.

180 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

as these thin parts of metal would have been com-
pletely fused if the artist had endeavoured to apply
it. They were simply hammered round the thickened
rim of the cup. The ornamentation was produced,
not by engraving, but by means of a hammer and chisel,
as microscopic examination of the surface has shown.
Mr. Johnson concludes his study with the following
list of the tools necessary for the production of such
an object as this : furnace, charcoal, crucible, mould
for ingot, flux, bellows, several hammers, anvils,
swage anvil, swages, chisel for ornament, sectional tool
for producing concentric rings.

VII. In March, 1854, some labourers working on
the construction of the railway from Limerick
to Ennis, Co. Clare, turned over the stones of
a small earn, in the heart of which they found an
extraordinary store of objects of this type, associated
with other gold ornaments. The spot where the dis-
covery was made was near a great fortified enclosure
whose proper name it seems now impossible to recover
—it is referred to as " Cahermucna " in eighteenth
century documents (which looks like Cathair Muc-
shnaimh), and is now called Moghane. It has been
reasonably conjectured that the hoard was loot from
this fortress, buried by the raiders and never recovered.
When the labourers found it there was, of course, a
wild scramble for the plunder, and most of the objects
found their way to the melting-pot : only a few were
saved for the Royal Irish Academy Museum, or for
other collections. It was by far the greatest find of
associated gold objects found in Western Europe, and
the loss to science of the great bulk of the hoard is
most deplorable.2 A selection from the find was

1 Collectanea, vi, 237.

2 A full account of everything that can be discovered about the
hoard and its contents will be found in Mr. Armstrong's paper,
The Great Clare Find of 1854, in JRSAI, xlvii, ai. See also
T. J. Westropp, Types of the Ring-forts and similar Structures
remaining in Eastern Clare. PRIA, xxvii, C, p. 217, and especially
pp. 218-220.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 181

exhibited by Dr. J. H. Todd to the Royal Irish
Academy in 1854 : this portion weighed in all
over 174 ozs. Records of 150 objects are pre-
served, drawings of which will be found accompanying
Mr. Armstrong's paper referred to in the foot-
note. Of these all but about a half dozen are
perfectly plain cupped rings of comparatively small
size. The uniformity of the objects in this great
hoard is an argument in favour of the " currency "
theory.

FIG. 63 — GORGETS

VIII. Next in importance to the cupped rings,
among the gold ornarrtents to be attributed to this
period, come the gorgets (fig. 63). These resemble
the earlier lunulae, in being crescentric breast orna-
ments ; and corresponding to the smaller discs at the
ends of the horns of the lunulae there are circular
discs secured in the same position in the gorgets.
These discs suggest, if they do not indicate, that the
gorgets are an elaboration of the lunulae. They differ

182 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

from the lunula, first, by their superior size ; secondly
by their shape, which is curved, whereas the lunula
is always flat ; thirdly by the technique of their
ornament, which is repousse, not engraved ; fourthly
by the. distribution of the ornament, which covers the
whole surface of the object, instead of being confined
to specific parts as in the case of the lunula ; and
fifthly by the nature of the ornament, which consists
chiefly of raised ridges, rows of dots, and rope-pattern,
in lines running parallel with the edges of the object.

FIG. 63A — GORGETS

To this enumeration of differences we may add
that in the lunula the flat disc at the ends of the horns
is always in one piece with the ornament, whereas the
circular discs in which these gorgets terminate — and
which are always elaborately ornamented with con-
centric rings, groups of concentric circles, dots, and
the like — are made as separate pieces, and are secured
to the gorgets by means of gold wire or in similar ways.
In one gorget in the Royal Irish Academy's collection
a woollen thread, apparently original, with gold
wound around it, secures the discs.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 183

Another form of gorget (fig. 64) resembles in shape
and appearance the cupped ring. In this the bow
is not a solid bar, but is a disc bent to shape. It
terminates in cups of the same kind as those

FIG. 64 — " CUPPED RING " GORGET

which characterise the cupped ring, but smaller in
proportion.

A number of large spheres of gold (fig. 65), each
consisting of two hollow hemispheres fitting into one

FIG. 65— GOLD SPHERES

184 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

another and welded together, was found at Carraig
on the Sinann, Co. Leitrim, in the year 1834. A hole
is cut through the middle of each hemisphere for
threading. There were originally eleven1 in the series,
ranging in diameter from 3! to 2| inches. Most
probably they were a neck ornament for a horse, as
they are too large and clumsy to be worn by a man.
To this period also are to be assigned circular discs
of gold, bearing concentric or cruciform ornaments
engraved or repousse, upon them. These as a rule
measure about 3 inches in diameter and are made of
this gold leaf. There are usually perforations, by

FIG. 66 — GOLD Discs

means of which they could be secured to a textile
fabric ; and it is possible that some of these were
used for the enrichment of garments, a stiff embroi-
dered ring surrounding and protecting the edge.

Another suggestion has been made that they are
to be considered as sun-discs, being the gilded orna-
ment of an object like the famous sun-chariot found in
Trundholm Moss, Denmark.2 One disc of bronze,
in the British Museum, with a marginal ring, such as
is seen on the Trundholm disc, may well be analogous :

1 Another account says thirteen. One is in the British Museum,
one in private possession, and seven in the Royal Irish Academy
Museum : see PRIA, xxx, C, p. 450.

2 R. A. Smith, On Gold Discs of the Bronze Age in the British
Museum. Proceedings Soc. Antiq. Lond., Ser. ii, vol. xx, p. 6.

FIG. 67 — GOLD Disc FROM LEATH-TON
(By permission of the Royal Anthropological Institute)

186 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

and the splendid disc found at Leath-ton, Co. Cavan,
recently acquired by the Royal Irish Academy, most
probably is the decoration of a similar object1 (fig. 66).

Irish archaeologists have to regret that, owing to the
fewness of ancient burials that have been excavated
under proper scientific auspices, very little is known
as to the disposition of gold ornaments upon the body.
Most of the gold ornaments known have been dis-
covered by labourers, digging in the fields or in the
turbaries, and have been snatched as by a miracle
from the jaws of the local jeweller's crucible. Hence
very little indeed is known as to the exact use of the
gold ornaments which have been found associated
with interments. We do not know if they were worn
by men, or by women, or by both sexes indifferently.
The discovery of a few skeletons wearing " cupped
rings " would help to solve the problem presented
by these objects more satisfactorily than unlimited
theorising.

There is, however, one burial recorded which is of
importance in this connexion. It was a discovery
made in 1805 at Baile na Martra in Co. Cork ; it is
thus recorded2 : " Throughout the whole of this
district the limestone rock abounds with natural caves,
and, in 1805, a curious discovery was made not far
from Castle Martyr by a quarryman, in consequence
of his crow-bar having accidentally fallen through a
fissure of the rock. He widened the aperture and
descended in search of the instrument into a cavern,
where he was not a little surprised to behold a human
skeleton, partly covered with exceedingly thin plates
of stamped or embossed gold, connected by bits of
wire : he also found several amber beads. The
annexed sketch of one of these gold plates is the same
size of the original, which is in the possession of Mr.
Lecky of Cork, with the fragments of a head. The

1 E. C. R. Armstrong, A find of Gold Objects from Lattoon, Bally-
jamesduff, Co. Cavan. Man, vol. xx (1.920), no. 45.

2 Crofton Croker, Researches in the South of Ireland, p. 253.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 187

remainder of the gold was sold and melted in Cork
and Youghal ; and a jeweller who purchased the
greater part told me the quantity he had melted — to
use his own words — was rather more than the contents
of half a coal-box." The object is now in the col-
lection of the Royal Irish Academy : see Armstrong's
Catalogue, p. 92, No. 398.

R. R. Brash, who cites the above passage,1 compares
with it a burial found at Achadh Bolog in Co. Cork.
Here a large sheet, of gold covered the entire breast
and upper part of a skeleton buried in a grave. Some
fragments of thin elastic gold plate and a piece of
" ring-money " remained when Mr. J. Windele heard
of the find : the rest was melted down.

FIG. 68 — GOLD BEADS, EARRING, RINGS, ETC.

(The middle figure in the second row is a section through the

circular object above it).

iJRSAI, xi, p. 514.

1 88 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

The ornamentation of the Baile na Martra inter-
ment seems to have consisted of gold discs such as
those described and figured above ; though the sur-
viving one is a trapesial, not circular, in shape. That
of the Achadh Bolog grave was most probably a large
gorget of the kind described on a previous page.

Beads (fig. 68) of gold, consisting each of two cones
joined together at their bases — after the manner of
the double hemispheres in the horse-beads described
above — are not infrequent. They are of varying
sizes. Some of the larger objects of this kind have a
slot cut in the side communicating with the central
perforation. Small rings — ear-rings, finger-rings, or
bracelets — of gold, of torque pattern, also call for
notice here. These are usually open, the ends of
the ring being plain and pointed, and the body
twisted in torque fashion. Some of these small
objects seem further to illustrate the superstition
against closed rings : compare also the ornament on
the sun-disc, fig. 67.

Vessels of gold were probably in use, but recorded
specimens are very rare. There is the bottom of one
in the Royal Irish Academy's collection : but the best-
known example is that discovered in a bog at the
Devil's Bit mountain, Co. Tipperary, in the year 1692,
called from the name of the family in whose pos-
session it remained, the Comerford Bowl. It is

FIG. 69 — THE COMERFORD BOWL (SO-CALLED " CROWN ")

now lost. It was for long absurdly called an " Old
Irish Crown " (fig. 69). Its ornamentation is repousse,
resembling that of the gorgets.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 189

Both torques and cupped rings, like lunulae, seem
to have been kept, when not in use, in wooden boxes ;
these were made out of blocks of timber with hol-
lows of appropriate size and shape scooped out of

w

FIG. 70 — THE LOCH GAIR SPEAR-HEAD

190 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

them, and with a stopper-like lid fitting into the
hollow.

There are not many examples extant of the use of
gold to enrich other objects. This does not mean
that it was not frequently used for such a purpose :
but as the decorated objects would most likely be made
of wood or textiles, this perishable material would
have decayed, leaving the gold as a meaningless
lamina. Where it was applied to objects of a baser
metal, such as bronze sword-hilts or the like, we
might hope for its survival. Such an object is the fine
bronze spear-head found at Loch Gair in Co. Lime-
rick, and now in the British Museum (fig. 70). This
is a Fifth-period specimen. The outer surface of the
socket is encircled with two bands of gold, bearing
linear ornaments : between the bands the surface of
the bronze is channelled with grooves, in the direction
of the axis of the socket, which are filled with inlays
of gold, kept in position by the gold bands.

IX. Besides gold, amber and jet were in use in the
latter part of the Bronze Age as materials for ornaments.
As these materials do not occur in Ireland, at any rate
in more than insignificant quantity, in unworked form,
objects fashioned from them are valuable proofs of

FIG. 71 — AMBER BEADS

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 191

the prosecution of trade — amber with the Baltic, and
jet, probably, with that part of South Britain now
called Yorkshire.

' Bronze-age amber ornaments, in Ireland, appear
to take exclusively the form of flattened oval beads,
perforated along their shorter axis. These objects
have been found in considerable numbers, both
singly and in groups : the latter being evidently the
remains of necklaces which have lost their connecting
strings. The use of amber for the enrichment of
other objects (such as sword-hilts or gold ornaments)
does not seem to have been introduced into Ireland
in the Bronze Age. The largest amber bead of Irish
provenance is 2f inches in diameter : it comes from
Caiseal, near Ard Macha, and is in the R.I .A.
collection.

That certain of the amber beads found in Ireland
are to be ascribed to the Bronze Age was first proved
by a find of associated objects found at Mount Rivers,
near Coachford, Co. Cork.1 This hoard contained
a few amber beads, of the type above described, and
also two cupped bracelets in gold and one in bronze — a
very rare material for this type of object — as well as
two bronze socketed celts. The gold cupped rings
and the socketed celts date the find to the fifth period
of the Bronze Age. With this accords a more recent
" find," made near Biorra in King's County, which
has also being acquired by the Academy. This con-
sisted of the beads of a very fine amber necklace,
associated with a gold cupped ring.

The objects in jet or lignite found in Ireland are
more varied in shape than those of amber. They
include buttons, of a conical form, with V-shaped holes
for threading, opening through the base of the cone —
a type ascribed by Montelius to the first and second
periods of the Bronze Age in England : armlets, which
are simply plain circular rings : and beads of various

1 See G. Coffey, Recent Pre-historic Finds acquired by the [Royal
Irish] Academy. PRIA, xxx, C, p. 85 ff.

192 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

shapes — discoidal, cylindrical, and ellipsoidal, the
latter sometimes with a rim or thickening surrounding
each end of the perforation. These jet beads are
sometimes of great, even inconvenient, size : like the
gold balls described above, some of these may have

FIG. 72 — JET ORNAMENTS

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 193

been used for the decoration of horses. End and
cross-pieces sometimes appear, to indicate that several
chains of beads were combined in the one necklace.
Discs of jet, perforated for suspension and ornamented
with engraved points, are sometimes found.

A jet necklace found in a bronze- age burial cist at
Oldbridge, Co. Meath, consisted of alternate cylin-
drical and discoidal beads : with the beads was one
pendant, triangular in shape, pierced with a hole
running from one broad face to the other, so near the
base of the triangle that the pendant would hang apex
downward. There can be no doubt that this object
was suspended from the necklace1 and that" it was an
amulet.

X. We must now consider for a moment the im-
portant question of chronology. It is impossible to
attach exact dates to pre-historic remains : this
impossibility is, indeed, of the essence of the distinction
between the pre-historic and the historic. But we
may indicate approximately, on the basis of argu-
ments founded on various observations, some sugges-
tion of a date that may be correct within a couple of
centuries. In the absence of written documents we
can hardly hope to go further.

The Fifth Period of the Bronze Age in Ireland ends
with the introduction of the Iron culture. This
culture, as we have already seen, there is every reason
to believe was brought in by a race of invaders. So
far as we can at present say, these invaders were in
the culture of Middle La Tene,2 the date of which is
approximately fixed at 300-100 B.C. It is possible
that they may have come earlier, but not much earlier.
The farthest limit of date that we can fix for this
event is 400 B.C. This then may be taken as the
date of the end of the Fifth Period.

1 The restoration, figured PRIA, xix, 751, is not accurate in this
respect. Compare the jet necklace figured in Anderson's Scotland
in Pagan Times, second series, fig. 55. Ornaments of similar
form are sometimes found in steatite.

2 For an explanation of this term see the companion volume on
Ireland in Celtic Times.

N

i94 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

The First Period is to some extent dated by its
partaking in the universal copper-age culture of
Europe. The flat axe-head and the triangular dagger
are found alike in Ireland and in early Minoan sites
in the Aegean. The time of the early Minoan period
is fixed approximately to 3000-4000 B.C. ; this is the
evidence of associated objects of Egyptian provenance,
to which the decipherable Egyptian records permit
us to assign a date : but it must be remembered that
owing to a variety of causes the chronology of the
early Egyptian dynasties is still very uncertain, and
there are profound differences between the views of
different authorities. But we can hardly be very far
wrong if we accept a date not much later for the
beginning of the Copper Age in Ireland. If we fixed
it at about 2500 B.C., as a moderate estimate, time
would be allowed for the copper culture to make its
way across the continent to this remote island in the
west.

Thus we have 2100 years to distribute between the
five periods, or an average of 420 years apiece. In
apportioning these we have to remember that the
earliest steps of civilisation are - the slowest, and
therefore the first two periods were probably longer
than the others : also that the fourth period, which
has left comparatively few distinctive remains, was
probably the shortest. The following sub-division
is, admittedly, arbitrary, but it is in accordance with
these considerations, and may be taken as a working
hypothesis till further discoveries shall supersede it : —

B.C.

First period 600 years 2500 — 1900

Second period 500 years 1900 — 1400

Third period 400 years 1400 — 1000

Fourth period 200 years 1400 — 800

Fifth period 400 years 800 — 400

Behind the Bronze Age stretches the Stone Age,
into an unknown antiquity. The Neolithic period

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 195

proper begins in Central Europe with the end of the
Daun, the last of the three minor returns of glacial
conditions which closed the Ice Age. On the basis
of geological arguments this is fixed by Penck and
Bruckner, in their study Die Alpen im Eiszeitalter, to
about 7000 B.C. Somewhat older than this is the
Campignian culture, to which the Latharna gravels
belong : we may perhaps assign to them a date of
about 10000 B.C. But in discussing chronological
problems, the larger the figures with which we deal
the greater must be the margin of error which we
must allow.

CHAPTER V

POTTERY

I. Stone-age Pottery. II. Bronze-age Pottery. III. Pottery in
the Sandhills. IV. Pottery from Tombs. V. Beakers. VI.
Food-vessels. VII. Cinerary Urns. VIII. " Incense-cups."

I. Pottery which can with assurance be attributed
to the Stone Age is in Ireland very rare ; in fact, only
a few such sherds are recorded. These represent
globular bowls with round bases, ornamented with a
semee of punctured dots. The illustration (fig. 73)

FIG. 73 — STONE AGE POTTERY

represents the largest sherd of this type known ; it
comes from Dun an Ghabhair, Co. Antrim, and is now
in the Royal Irish Academy's collection.

II. Of the bronze-age pottery of Ireland, as of that
of Britain, and indeed of all northern Europe, the
following are the general characteristics : —

(a). The clay is very coarse, and often extremely
gritty.

196

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 197

(b). The potter's wheel was never used ; the vessels
were modelled with the hand, and are in consequence
seldom more than approximately symmetrical.

(c). The ornament is traced freehand, and is there-
fore often very irregular and crooked.

(d). The vessels were baked in an open fire, not in
a kiln made specially for the purpose ; in consequence
of this, the colour, which in general is of a buff shade
tending to reddish, sometimes varies considerably in
tone over the surface of a single vessel.

(e). With the exception presently to be noticed,
there is no trace of slip, glaze, burnishing, colour, or
other applied ornament. The decoration consists
exclusively of patterns engraved, or modelled in relief
in the clay. These, however, are often very rich.

III. The pottery found in the sandhills and other
domestic sites is as a rule much broken ; often the
sherds are so small that it is scarcely possible to
suggest a restoration of the vessel to which they
belonged. The late Rev. G. R. Buick, who possessed
a large collection of sherds from Portstewart and from
Whitepark Bay, essayed the task, by completing on
paper the curvature indicated by the shape of the
fragments. His restorations are shewn in fig. 74.
The normal types are represented in the two central
figures ; they consist of a rather flat and wide bowl
or pan, the upper diameter of which was sometimes
as much as 16 inches, and of a taller, more cylindrical
vessel, that may.be described as a milk-bowl. Other
types, as the lowermost figure in the illustration,
are indistinguishable from the pottery more usually
associated with tomb-furniture ; indicating that the
cinerary urn was such in virtue of its use, not necessar-
ily of its form — in other words, that the specific types
of funeral pottery were really domestic vessels which
happened to be suitable for the special purpose indi-
cated. Dr. Buick also notes1 that certain of the
vessels seem to have been " first roughly made, and

1 JRSAI, xxi, p. 440.

FIG. 74 — SANDHILL POTTERY

200 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

then when partially dry coated or smeared over with
a thin layer of an extremely fine paste, to make them
less porous, and give them a finish " : he also suggests
that the pieces of haematite found sometimes in shore
sites were used for this purpose (and not for personal
decoration), and that the grindstones also found in
these settlements were used for reducing the paste,
thus applied as a slip. The figure at the top of the
illustration, from Dun Droma, is remarkable for the
two lug handles. Another specimen of domestic bowl,
also from Dun Droma, is shewn in fig. 75. l It is
globular below, breaking its curve by a set-off about
half-way up. A similar vessel, which I judge to
be about the same size,2 was found in fragments at
Portstewart.

FIG. 76 — BOWL, WHITEPARK BAY

A straight-sided bowl, from Whitepark Bay (fig. 76),
was found by Mr. Knowles.3

1 Rev. L. Hasse, Objects jrom the Sandhills at Dundrum, and
their Antiquity. JRSAI, xxiv, i.

2 PRIA, xxv, 197. There is no scale on the illustration, and the
appended note that it is " J size " is ambiguous — whether linear
or areal is not stated. I presume the latter.

3 PRIA, xxii, p. 386. fig. 6.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 201

Dr. Buick, in the paper already alluded to, remarks
that the sherds from Whitepark Bay shew marks of
burning, but, contrary to what we might have expected,
these marks are on the inner surface, not the outer
surface, of the pottery. This seems to indicate their
use as cooking-vessels, but that the cookery consisted
of baking with the help of hot stones rather than
boiling over a fire.

In certain of the shore settlements on the coast of
Co. Clare lumps of fine clay, such as might have
been used in the manufacture of pottery, have been
discovered.

IV. Four different forms of vessel appear in the
bronze-age tomb pottery of Great Britain : beakers,
food-vessels, cinerary urns, and the so-called " incense-
cups." In the skilful hands of the Hon. John (now
Lord) Abercromby,1 the types and ornamentation of
these different vessels have been made to yield much
information as to the distribution of peoples in the
Bronze Age.

V. We cannot here enter fully into the subject as
treated at large in the work referred to ; we must
confine ourselves to the subject of pottery as found in
Ireland. The first important fact for us to notice is
the almost total absence of the beaker. The beaker
is a vessel which may be said in general to have an
outline shaped like a rather long capital S 2 — a jug, in
British pottery usually without a handle, having a
globular body, the sides of which curve upward into
a hollow neck. This type of vessel is fairly common
in England and in the south of Scotland ; but from
Ireland only two specimens are recorded — one
from the great earn of Mount Stewart, more fully
described on a later page, and the other, a mere
fragment or two, from Co. Sligo.

1 See his sumptuous work, A Study of the Bronze-age Pottery
of Great Britain and Ireland, and its associated Grave-goods (Oxford,
1912).

2 " In general," because there are a number of subordinate
types and varieties, for an enumeration and illustrations of which
we may refer the reader to Lord Abercromby's work.

202 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

The reason for this absence from Ireland of the
beaker is interesting. By a comparison of types, and
by a consideration of the probable evolution by which
they developed, Lord Abercromby has shewn that the
beaker was first introduced into England from the
Continent, somewhere on the southern shore of the
island, and about the beginning of the Bronze Age.
It is associated, in interments, with people of the
brachycephalic race to which the introduction of the
Bronze-age culture into England is due ; and the
geographical distribution of the successive evolution-
ary types of the beaker throughout England gives us
a clue to aid us in tracing the progress of the brachy-
cephalic colonists. We have already seen that this
people never made their way into Ireland ; hence
their specific form of pottery was never introduced
into that country. The two specimens that have come
to light may, as Lord Abercromby suggests, have
been the work of captive women, taken in some raid
of the people of Ireland on a shore-dwelling community
of Britain. We say captive women, because the com-
paratively small size of the hands, as indicated by
groups of finger-prints sometimes preserved upon
the sides of the vessels, shews that the manufacture
of utensils of pottery was one of the numerous duties
of the women of the household.

VI. On the other hand, food-vessels are very
common, and there are several different types in use
in Ireland. These types differ from one another in
the treatment of the sides of the vessel ; the base is
always flat, and the diameter may be as much as, or a
little more than, double the diameter of the base :
though sometimes the top and bottom of the vessel
are much more nearly equal in size. The outlines of
the different types is shewn in fig. 77 : they are four
in number.

i. Cylindrical vessels. — This form is nowhere very
common, and in Ireland is very rare. Abercromby
figures but one example, of unknown provenance ;
and this is rather barrel-shaped than cylindrical, as it

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 203

has a distinct entasis. This vessel is elaborately
ornamented.

2. Oval vessels. — This form, on the other hand, is
a characteristically Irish type, having no counterpart
in Great Britain. The base is more rounded than in
the other types (though it is sometimes flattened) ;
the sides curve regularly, like a pair of parentheses,
and thus, although there is no definite shoulder, such
as we see in the fourth type, the diameter of the mouth
is less than the maximum diameter of the body of
the vessel. So far as the recorded finds go, this form
seems to be confined to the northern half of Ireland ;

FIG. 77 — OUTLINES OF TYPES OF FOOD VESSELS

it penetrates into Scotland, where a few examples
have been found — one more illustration of the indis-
soluble archaeological links between Scotland and
Ireland.

The standard form, with unbroken curve, seems
to be the oldest. But the form taken by the ornamen-
tation led to the diversifying of the surface of the
vessel with horizontal grooves ; these developed

204 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

further into a raised band emphasising the widest
part of the bowl. This band, in its turn, breaks into
ridges and grooves, and at last a form is reached
difficult to distinguish from the shouldered fourth type.

3. Bowl-shaped vessels. — In this form the mouth is
the widest part of the vessel. The shape ranges from
the curved form of a sugar-bowl to the conical straight-
sided form of a flower pot ; but the type is every-
where rare, especially so in Ireland.

4. Shouldered vessels. — To this group the great
majority of food-vessels belong, both in Ireland and
in the neighbouring countries. There are a number
of subordinate types, depending on the treatment of
the shoulder and of the mouth. The mouth may be
(a) plain, (b) bevelled internally, (c) bevelled exter-
nally, (d) everted, or (e) moulded. The shoulder may
be marked by (a) a simple angle, (b) one raised ridge,
(c) more than one raised ridge, (d) one groove, (e)
more than one groove, (/) a groove interrupted at
intervals by stops, which may be (i) perforated from
side to side, or (ii) not so perforated, and (g) more
than one groove interrupted by stops. These different
forms are shewn in the diagram, fig. 77.

But the elaborate ornamentation of food-vessels is
their most striking feature. In this respect the pottery
of Scotland and of Ireland far surpasses that of South
Britain. It is not improbable that for this difference
also the brachycephalic invaders of South Britain are
responsible ; that although they actually introduced
the Bronze culture, they were a drag on the wheels of
its artistic development.

The ornamentation of bronze-age pottery in these
islands never takes the form of the representation of
natural objects. This is a very noteworthy fact ; for
the combination of dots and strokes which, for a child,
represents the human face, might seem a more interest-
ing and an easier subject than the combinations of
geometrical abstractions which are actually used for
decorative purposes by the potters. It is highly
probable that this absence of naturalistic forms is due
to a religious prohibition or tabu, in some degree

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 205

analogous to that prevalent among modern Muslims.
To represent a figure, human or animal, might involve
the invocation of a supernatural being in a similar
form ; and his immediate presence might be very
inconvenient to the maker or the owner of the vessel
bearing this ill-omened decoration. But it must not
be overlooked that we cannot assert with assurance
that the decoration of the pottery which seems to us
merely " abstract," was necessarily without a concrete
meaning to the potters themselves. They may have
attached to the motives which they combined into
their patterns meanings, symbolical or magical, which
we can no longer hope to recover.

The vessel having been formed, and while its clay
was still soft, was ornamented by means of one or
other of the following instruments : the finger-tip or
finger-nail ; a point (probably of wood), sharp or
blunt ; a slip of wood with a notched edge, curved or
straight ; a cord of twisted strands ; a rod with a fine
cord wrapped round it ; a cord looped into a chain ;
or a flat slip of bone with a triangular tip. The orna-
ment of food-vessels usually covers the whole surface —
unlike the beakers, in which it is frequently interrupted.
It may be essentially vertical or horizontal in direc-
tion, though the latter is the commoner : or there may
be a combination of vertical and horizontal patterns
in one vessel. The decoration may be simple or com-
pound, continuous or metopic. Metopic patterns are
an Irish speciality. The name is adapted from that
of the metopes which break up the frieze of a Doric
temple, and implies an alteration of ornament in one
horizontal zone. Thus, suppose a zone to be orna-
mented with a series of zig-zags, which might be
unbroken, as in («), or grouped as in (b) ; such an

c

206 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

ornament would be called continuous. But if another
pattern alternated with the group of zigzags, as in (c),
the ornament would be metopic. Among metopic
forms one of the most characteristic of Irish patterns
is the sunk square, breaking a zone into equal spaces.
The surface of the square is treated with dot and line
ornament, and the spaces between the squares deco-
rated in a different way.

The motives of which the simple ornament of food-
vessels is made up are as follows (fig. 78) : —

Dots, impressed with a point, scattered irregularly
over an area of the surface of the vessel, or else grouped
so as to form a regular figure.

Lines, which may be made by means of any of the
instruments enumerated above, and which may there-
fore be continuous scratches or rows of discontinuous
indentations, according to the method adopted.
These lines may be horizontal, surrounding the whole
vessel, or vertical, or oblique, forming groups covering
a zone of the vessel.

Zigzags and herring-bones, running vertically or
horizontally, formed of combinations of oblique lines.

Lozenges and saltires.

Basket-work, formed by filling the triangles of a
zigzag with short parallel strokes, thus

This pattern always runs horizontally.

Curvilinear patterns are rare, but sometimes rows
of ovals are found.

• Compound ornament consists of a combination of
the simple motives enumerated above. These are
frequent in Irish work, where they are sometimes of
great elaboration. An effective form of ornamentation,
often found, consists of broad zigzags or saltires
left plain, against a background elaborately deco-
rated with combinations of lines : or the reverse,

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 207

the ornamental surface shaded, against a plain back-
ground ; or, a third form, treating the ornamental
surfaces and the backgrounds with different forms
of shading.

The bone slip with triangular tip is often used in
forming compound patterns. By pressing the tip into
the clay with point alternately upward and downward,
a zigzag or a series of saltires will be thrown into
apparent relief, according as the points are or are not
opposed to one another. The spaces between the
saltires thus produced can be treated in some other
way : thus there is an example1 in which they bear
small circles, each shaded with two horizontal strokes.

The above analysis is necessarily imperfect. A book
the size of this volume could easily be filled with
illustrations of Irish bronze-age pottery, and with a
discussion of the different forms of ornament with

FIG. 78 — FOOD VESSELS SHEWING VARIOUS KINDS OF ORNAMENT

which it is decorated : indeed every chapter of the
present work could be expanded into a monograph
of several hundred pages. We must be content here
with indicating general principles.

1 Figured in Abercromby, op. cit., vol. i, plate xlix, fig. 325.

2o8 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

The purpose of the food-vessel was what its name
implies — a receptacle for food. When it was depo-
sited in a tomb it was intended for food provision for
ihe deceased, to supply his spirit with sustenance in

FIG. y8A — FOOD VESSELS

the other world. But in Ireland the food-vessel is
often used as a cinerary urn, and contains the ashes
of the dead.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 209

VII. Although cinerary urns are best known as
receptacles for the burnt remains of human bodies,
the discovery of fragments of similar vessels among

FIG. 783 — FOOD VESSELS

the domestic deposits of Whitepark Bay shews that
they were not invented or made for this specific
purpose, but were simply domestic utensils found
0

210 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

appropriate for such use by reason of their size. It is
the size which distinguishes cinerary urns from food-
vessels, for in shape vessels of the two classes often

FIG. 780 — FOOD VESSELS

resemble one another. While food-vessels roughly
average about 8 or 9 inches in height, cinerary urns
range, as a rule, between an inch or two under, and

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 211

a few inches over, a foot in height. A magnificent
example, from Gleann Bhile, near lubhar Cinn
Tragha, Co. Down, now in Belfast Museum, is 2ft.
i in. high.

There is not such a great variety in shape among
cinerary urns as there is among food- vessels. They
may be classed as (a) cylindrical or barrel-shaped,

(b) shouldered, like large shouldered food- vessels, or

(c) double-conical, in which there is a flat base, sides
expanding upwards (either V-wise, or with curved
sides like a sugar-bowl) to about two-thirds of the
height ; there is then a sudden projection all round,
above which the sides contract to a mouth approxi-
mately of the same width as the base (fig. 79).

FIG. 79 — OUTLINES OF TYPES OF CINERARY URNS

The ornamentation of cinerary urns is, as a rule,
confined to the upper portion of the vessel (fig. 80). It
is much less interesting and elaborate, even in Ireland,
than that of food-vessels ; and, from a technical point
of view, the construction of the cinerary urns is also
inferior. In dealing with the large masses of clay
with which the urns are made, the potter did not, as
she did with the food-vessels, model the whole vessel
at once ; she made a number of flat cakes of the clay,
irregularly round in shape, and somewhat larger than
the area of the palms of her hands ; she then fitted
these together, thus building up the sides of the urn.
Although she took pains to smooth over the lines of
junction of the separate pieces of clay, these are

FIG. 80 — CINERARY URNS SHEWING VARIETY OF ORNAMENT

FIG. SOA — CINERARY URNS

214 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

generally traceable in the finished urn. Rope-patterns,
modelled separately, and then attached to the surface,
forming decoration in relief, are not uncommon on
cinerary urns (as in the fragment in fig. SOA), though
seldom if ever found in food-vessels. A sherd from

FIG. SOB — CINERARY URNS

near Magh Cromdha, Co. Cork, published by Sir
Bertram Windle,1 has a raised pattern upon it resem-
bling a sprig of a plant more than anything else. This
is quite unique in Irish pottery (fig. 81).

VIII. The last of the four classes of tomb-pottery,
the so-called " incense-cup," is very difficult to
explain. There is nothing to say in favour of the
name, except that it is established, and it is well not
to disturb existing nomenclature, even for the better,
unless some advantage is gained which will notably
counterbalance the inevitable confusion. We may
keep the term " incense-cup," if we agree that it is
merely an algebraical symbol for an unknown quantity.
Lord Abercromby calls them "pygmy cups," probably
on the analogy of the pygmy flints of the Tardenoisian

1 JRSAI, xlii, 169, ff.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 215

culture. Perhaps a better name than either would be
" ritual cups," for they seem to have had some use
in the burial rites : but as we know nothing as to the
procedure of a bronze-age funeral, we can only con-
jecture the nature of this use. There is a large variety
of form in this class ; all, however, agree in being

FIG. 8 1 — SHERD FROM MAGH CROMDHA

smaller than any specimen of the other classes of
pottery. Some are like small food-vessels ; others
resemble modern porridge bowls on a minute scale ;
others again, are perforated all round as though they
had been intended for carrying a spark of fire. A
not impossible purpose, indeed, might have been to
serve as receptacles for a spark by which fire could be

216 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

carried, it may bejfrom some sacred perpetual flame,
to ignite the funeral pyre. These cups are often
found in tombs in association with the ashes of the

FIG. 82 — INCENSE-CUPS

dead, being frequently deposited inside the urn, upon
the ashes. In one case incense cups were found,
actually containing ashes1 ; but they are usually
empty.

1 JRSAI, xix, 19.

CHAPTER VI

ORNAMENT AND SYMBOLISM

I. The Limitations of Bronze-age Ornament. II. The Distinction
between Ornament and Symbolism. III. The Use of Ornament
in the Bronze Age. IV. Petroglyphs. V. The " Alphabet "
of Bronze-age Symbolism in Ireland. VI. Some examples of
the Use of the Symbols. VII. The possible Interpretation
of the Symbols.

I. Twice in the preceding pages we have touched
- on the subject of the present chapter — in speaking

of gold ornaments, and in describing the decoration
of bronze-age pottery. In both classes of object there
is material for studying the principles of bronze-age
ornament. We have seen that this consists of combi-
nations of geometrical motives only, and that natural-
istic forms are rather conspicuously avoided, probably
because of some religious or superstitious prohibition.
The artists who had attained to so high a degree of
technical skill as the goldsmiths' work testifies, might
have been expected to derive inspiration from the
human and animal life around them ; and their
avoidance of so doing seems to indicate that they had
been restrained by some such external force.

II. This chapter is headed " Ornament and Symbol-
ism." These two subjects must be considered
together. They overlap to such a degree that the
line of demarcation between them is very difficult to
draw, if, indeed, it be not quite impossible to do so.
We have already observed that the apparently abstract
patterns upon the pottery need not necessarily have
been abstractions to their designers. It is a common-
place among the observers of nature-folk that patterns

218 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

and designs which, for Europeans, have no concrete
meaning, are for the natives full of significance ; they
can interpret them as a Chinese scholar can decipher
the crabbed characters which to the eyes of ignorance
look like mere random labyrinths of strokes and
curves. While it would be absurd to read symbolism
into every scratch on the surface of a pot, we must
always be prepared for the possibility that marks which
to us seem merely decorative were at one time capable
of a more recondite explanation. The key to this
explanation is however lost — all but certainly, for
ever : and we are therefore obliged to draw a rather
arbitrary line between devices which we may reason-
ably consider as symbolic and those which may be
treated as pure ornament. In cases of doubt it is
better to avoid any theory of symbolism.

III. That ornament was applied in the Bronze Age
to the decoration of perishable objects, such as textiles
or utensils of wood, we cannot doubt. But we can
speak only of such objects as the corrosion of time
has allowed to survive. These are objects in metal
(gold and bronze), pottery, and the surfaces of stones
and rocks. Of the first" two of these — metal and
pottery — we have already spoken. The decoration
of metal is always much more carefully and regularly
executed than is that of pottery, for the obvious reason
that the working of gold and of bronze was in the
hands of professional craftsmen, while the pottery was
the handiwork of the domestic amateur of each house-
hold. Thus the decoration engraved or stamped
upon metal is more instructive in determining the
history of decorative patterns than is the ornamen-
tation of pottery, rich and varied though the latter
undoubtedly is. In the early periods of the Bronze
Age rectilinear patterns prevail — combinations of par-
allel straight lines, or else such figures as triangles,
lozenges, or squares, used singly or in chequers. The
curvilinear forms, spirals and circles, appear later.
Thus, we never find curvilinear patterns decorating
lunulae, which are of the Second Period ; but on the

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 219

gorgets of the Fifth Period groups of concentric circles
are frequent decorations.

It is not, however, necessarily to be inferred that
curvilinear forms were unfamiliar to the artists of the
earlier periods. The decoration of the lunulae is
engraved ; that of the flat flanged celts is punched
with a straight-edged punch. These technical pro-
cesses necessarily induce a preference for straight
lines, curved lines being, in comparison, difficult to
draw by such means. When the goldsmiths learned
to stamp patterns with dies upon their handiwork,
curved ornament became more usual. Chronological
inferences based on an a priori theory of the evolution
of ornaments must be treated with caution. As we
shall presently see, the spiral is an important element
in the decorations of bronze-age stone monuments,
such as New Grange ; and it has been inferred that
the date of that monument must be brought down to
a time when, it is assumed, the spiral motive might
have reached Ireland from the Aegean basin. The
spiral motive is an all-important element in the deco-
rative art of the ancient bronze-age empire of Crete ;
and if we are to regard this art as the parent of central
and northern European bronze-age culture, we cannot
admit the use of the spiral in any part of Europe at a
time before it became prominent in Crete and in the
countries directly influenced by Cretan artists. But,
as the present writer has endeavoured to shew else-
where,1 it is a fundamental error to consider Crete as
the parent of European civilisation. The relations are
rather fraternal, Crete having attained to its superior
eminence because it basked in the light of Egyptian
culture. Thus the spiral may appear anywhere in
Europe independently of Crete ; we find it, indeed,
at Butmir in Bosnia in the Neolithic Age ; and the
presence of the spiral among the decorations of New
Grange is thus no obstacle to our dating that monu-
ment as its architecture would lead us to date it —
comparatively early in the Bronze Age.

1 PRIA, xxxiv, C, p. 383, ff .

220 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

IV. We may now pass to the ornamentation of sur-
faces of stone : this subject we have not yet discussed.
The stones treated may be rocks, boulders, standing
stones, or parts of larger constructions such as dolmens
or tumuli.

The carving is always incised on the surface of the
stone. It is (i) engraved, (ii) pocked in line, or (iii)
pocked in surface. That is to say, the pattern may be
cut with a chisel, or else it may be crushed out with a
sharp-pointed hammer-like tool, worked either along
the lines of the design, or else over the whole surface
surrounded by those lines. In some cases both forms
of technique are found on one and the same stone,
apparently representing successive applications of the
ornament ; and it is interesting to notice that the
later work sometimes goes out of its way to spare the
earlier work, as though the symbols were too sacred
to be disturbed. Professor 1'Abbe Breuil, of the Paris
Institut de Paleontologie humaine, who examined almost
all the important specimens of Irish bronze-age art in
stone during a visit paid to the country in Easter 1920,
determined, by an observation of such superpositions
of design, that the engraved linear patterns are the
oldest, the pocked linear the later, and the pocked
superficial the latest.

There is one solitary example of coloured decoration
of stone remaining in Ireland, discovered by Professor
Breuil during the same tour, in one of the earns of
Loch Craoibhe.

The random dispersal of the figures over the surface
of the stone, and the fact that the decorations consist
of endless repetitions of a limited number of signs,
combine to indicate that, in these petroglyphic pat-
terns, we have to deal with a system of symbolism,
not of mere decoration. The bronze-age artists had
a well developed feeling for the rhythmical nature of
decoration, and for the necessity of some approxima-
tion to symmetry. A single glance at any bronze-age
pot, or at a gold ornament with engraved decoration,
will be enough to prove this. The artist worked to

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 221

a scheme, and each element of the design is planned
as part 'of a symmetrical and consistent whole. But
on the rock surfaces, which are decorated with certain
figures, there is no such symmetry. The designs are
peppered over the decorated area with no apparent
relation to one another. There is no scheme of design,
even when the whole stone is covered with sculpture ;
so far as we can see, the single elements have to
be taken by themselves, without reference to any
others. Both rectilinear and curvilinear forms are
used in the stone carvings ; but they are treated
quite differently from analogous figures in metal and
pottery. Even when we have a series of triangles or of
lozenges in chequers, or groups of spirals, the effect
produced is rather that of a multitude of repetitions
of a simple pattern, than of a single composite design.
Again, certain figures are frequently found in the stone
carvings which are never used in metal-work or pottery.
Above all, the prohibition of natural (human or animal)
forms is not rigidly observed in stone carvings.

V. The principal elements used in the bronze- age
stone carvings of Ireland, the " Alphabet of bronze-
age Symbolism," as we may venture to term it, are
shewn in the accompanying diagram (fig. 83), and may
thus be enumerated : —

RECTILINEAR PATTERNS

(i). More or less straight lines ; not very common.

(2). Zigzags, vertical or horizontal, single or in
groups. Herring-bones.

(3). Triangles.

(4). Trapezia.

(5). Lozenges, plain.

(6). Lozenges, ornamented, either by quartering
(with lines joining the angles), or by drawing another
lozenge within. The background may be wholly or
partly pocked away.

(7). Crosses and saltires.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 223

CURVILINEAR PATTERNS

(8). Cup-hollows.
(9)- ~

Spirals.

(10). Groups of concentric circles, usually with a
cup-hollow at the centre.

(n). Similar groups, with a radial channel cutting
through the surrounding circles.

(12). Circles with radii marked in various patterns.

(13). Ovals.

(14). Segments of concentric circles.

In addition to these there are a number of variant
forms, of compound designs, and of groups of appa-
rently random lines, scarcely capable of classification.
There are also figures which seem to represent human
— faces and animals.

VI. We cannot here give a full description of all
the existing examples of bronze-age petroglyphs in
Ireland ; like the pottery, such a work would form
ample material for a separate monograph. The
following selection contains the most important : —

I. Cluain Fionn-locha, King's Co. — At this place
there is a slab which is one of the most important pre-
historic monuments in Ireland (fig. 84). It does not
properly belong to the bronze-age series ; its analogies
are entirely neolithic. It measures 9ft. Qins. by 8ft 3ins.
and is covered with incisions which are (i) cup-marks,
(2) foot-shaped indentations, (3) crosses, and (4) marks
consisting of vertical strokes with a circle at or near
the top ; in some the stroke projects above the circle,
and is capped with a knob.

The close analogies which this stone presents with
certain very early Neolithic sculptures in Spain (ana-
logies which Professor Breuil was the first to point
out) enable us to interpret these marks to some extent.
The marks enumerated above as No. 4 are certainly
stylised figures of men ; the knobbed tops represent-
ing their heads, the circles their arms in the attitude
called " akimbo." One or two of them seem to hold

224 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

axes or other weapons. The cross-like figures are
also probably men — perhaps representing men of
another tribe. It is noteworthy that the looped-men
figures are confined to one side of the stone, the
cross-men figures to the other side ; and that the foot-
marks are also for the greater part confined to the
side with the cross-men. It is perhaps not very far-
fetched to see in this most remarkable, and in the

FIG. 84 — SLAB AT CLUAIN FIONN-LOCHA

islands of northern Europe unique, sculpture, a record
(such as the Bushmen of Africa have left us painted
in their caves) of a battle between the " loop-men "
and the " cross-men," where the former put the latter
to flight. The cup-marks scattered among the " cross-
men " may even indicate the number of severed heads !
In any case, the similarity, not to say identity,
between this sculpture and the Spanish petroglyphs
and paintings which recent research has brought to

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 225

light, is highly suggestive. It indicates a direct com-
munication between Spain and Ireland, not merely
during the early stages of the Bronze Age (to which
the halberds are a testimony) but even in the remoter
times of the Neolithic Age.

II. Loch Craoibhe, Co. Meath. — The greatest series
of bronze-age sculptures is certainly that to be seen
in the earns of the ancient cemetery capping the hills
near Oldcastle. Circles, spirals, zigzags, and other
rectilinear and curvilinear figures abound. We give
here one example (fig. 85) ; a long series of very
accurate drawings will be found reproduced in the

FIG. 85 — SCULPTURED STONE, LOCH CRAOIBHE

Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland,
vol. xxvii, p. 294 ff.

III. Brugh na Boinne, Co. Meath. — In the great
cemetery near Droichead Atha there are three out-
standing tumuli, Dubhadh, New Grange, and
Cnoghbha. The last of these is still unopened ;
the two former contain chambers of considerable size,
built of large stones, many of which are covered with
spirals, concentric circles, zigzags, and other symbolic
figures. The chambers are more fully described in

p

226 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

a later chapter.1 One stone from the surrounding
kerb of New Grange is here shewn (fig. 86).

FIG. 86 — SCULPTURED STONE, NEW GRANGE

IV. Castle Archdale, Deerpark, Co. Fermanagh. —
This is apparently a single grave, lined with stones,
which are covered with sculpture. One of the figures
seems intended to represent an animal. I visited
the site in Easter 1920, but was unable to verify the
drawings (due to W. F. Wakeman),2 as the stones are
uprooted, placed face downward, and almost entirely
buried.

V. Seiseadh Coille Greine, Co. Tyrone. — There is
here a tumulus with a stone chamber, the stones
covered with spirals and other ornament. The only
extant illustration of this remarkable monument is
totally inadequate.3 There are ten stones lining the

1 A large number of photographs and drawings of the sculpture
will be found in the late Mr. George Coffey's monograph, New
Grange and Other Incised Tumuli in Ireland (Dublin, 1912).

2 Published in JRSAI, vol. xv, p. 543 ff.

3 Since the above was written Mr. M. C. Burkitt has published
photographs of some of the carved stones in his Pre-history
(Cambridge University Press, 1921).

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 227

chamber, about 3 feet in height. Beginning at the
left-hand side of the entrance, the first has no sculp-
ture ; the second has three irregular squares, placed
concentrically ; the third has a faint spiral and a
doubtful " feathering " of short strokes ; the fourth
has a fine spiral ; the fifth has a broken spiral, and a
peculiar labyrinth-like design, shaped like a lozenge
with the upper oblique sides crossing at the top angle ;
the sixth has a magnificent pattern consisting of a
group of concentric circles, surrounded by groups of
concentric semicircles ; the seventh has one cup-
mark ; the eighth has one group of concentric circles ;
and the ninth and tenth stones are blank. In
addition, there is a single stone standing in a
neighbouring field, the face of which is divided into
two parts by a diagonal row of cup-marks ; on both
sides there are groups of cup-marks, spirals, con-
centric circles, and star-like radiating figures.1

VI. Cnoc Baine, Co. Tyrone. — A similar tumulus,
now erased, exposing the stones of the central chamber.
Some of these bear groups of spirals and zigzag
patterns. In the middle of one of these (fig. SJA)
sculptured surfaces there is undoubtedly a human
face.

VII. Cnoc na Seamar, Co. Sligo. — In the immediate
neighbourhood of the great dolmen-field of Ceathramh-
adh M6r, three or four miles from the town of Sligo,
there are the remains of a similar stone-lined grave ;
no trace of a covering tumulus remains. The sculpture
is rather late in type, approximating to the form of
La Tene decoration ; it is probably the latest of the
series. One of the stones appears to bear the stylised
figure of a woman (fig. 876).

Of the numerous stones and rock surfaces bearing
cup-and-circle patterns, which do not differ essen-
tially from those found in England, Scotland, and
elsewhere in Northern Europe, we may mention
remarkable examples at Ath an Charbaid, Co. Kerry

1 This stone is also figured in Mr. Coffey's book.

228 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

(fig. 88) ; a rock-surface near the fort of Steidhg,
in the same county ; and another at the other end
of the country, at Magh-bhfiadh, Co. Donegal.

FIG. 87 — STONES AT CNOC BAINE AND CNOC NA SEAMAR

Mention should also be made of a remarkable stand-
ing stone at Cuan an Bhainbh, Co. Wexford (fig. 89).
This is a smooth pillar, 9ft. 6ins. high. On one side
there are three cups making an inverted triangle ; it
is probable that these represent a human face. The
next side has also some cup-marks. On the third side
there has been an Ogham inscription, now totally
defaced. The fourth side is blank. The stone has
thus had a history in three stages : it has been a
bronze-age idol, adapted later as the memorial stone
of a pagan chieftain of the late Iron Age, whose

FIG. 88— SCULPTURED STONE AT ATH AN CHARBAID

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 231

memorial inscription was destroyed as being heathenish
by an iconoclast of the early Christian period.1

VIII. This leads us to a fuller consideration of the
meaning to be assigned to these remarkable sculptures.

The representations of human faces, human figures,
and animal figures — except those on the slab at Cluain
Fionn-locha, which lies apart as representing an
earlier phase of art — cannot be dissociated from the
representations, or rather suggestions, of human faces
and figures in such relics as the famous drums of
limestone from Folkton Moor, Yorkshire ; the neo-
lithic burial caves of the Marne region ; the rude
idols found by the brothers Siret in Spain ; and
similar figures. These are all found associated with
sepulture ; and we may assume, without undue levity,
that these figures depict some deity of the dead. The
aniconic pillar-stones found in a burial earn at
Ceathramhadh Caol, Co. Sligo, in New Grange,
and in Baile na hAite, Co. Down, as will be
described in a following chapter, are also probably
figures of the same or an analogous divinity. The
figure at Cnoc na Seamar seems to represent a woman,
like the sculptures in the Marne caves : an indication
that the divinity of the dead is a goddess.

The stone at Cuan an Bhainbh is of a different type.
There is no evidence that it was originally a sepulchral
pillar ; more probably are we to regard it as an idol,
bearing the face of the divinity immanent within it.
Its subsequent adaptation as a memorial pillar stone
does not concern us at the present stage of our study ;
but it is relevant to notice that the Christian who
destroyed the Ogham — doubtless because it derived
the descent of the deceased from some Celtic god —
was ignorant of the meaning of the three cup -marks
on the opposite face ; otherwise he would have cer-
tainly defaced them also. In the chapter on Religion
(Chap. IX) we shall have something further to say
about such standing stones.

1 For the destruction of Ogham inscriptions reference may be
made to the companion volume on Celtic Ireland.

232 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

With regard to the other symbols, the most striking
fact about cup-and-circle groups is their universality.
Not only in Scotland, which, as cannot be too often
said, forms one archaeological province with Ireland,
but in remote countries such as America and the
islands of the South Seas, have petroglyphs been found
bearing extraordinary resemblance to those on the
Irish stones.1 The ceremonial drawings made by the
Arunta of Central Australia are also practically identical
in appearance with some of the Irish symbols.2 The
latter are closely connected with totemistic ceremonies,
and the designs are purely conventional representa-
tions of various parts of the totem animal, such as
could not be explained without the aid of a native
interpreter. Remembering this, we must be cautious
in endeavouring to interpret the symbolism of tribes
extinct long generations ago.

A meaning may, however, be assigned to a few of
the symbols in the " Alphabet " with at least a show
of reason. The triangles and trapezia resemble flat
axe-heads ; and remembering that quite unmistakable
representations of flat axes, hafted, figure among the
petroglyphs of certain monuments in France, we may
perhaps be still on fairly solid ground if we suppose
that this resemblance is not unintentional. The axe
or hammer is the instrument of the thunder-god ;
and so we may interpret the zigzags as his light-
nings, or (less probably) the waters of his storms.
For the lozenges, I have elsewhere suggested the
interpretation, from which notwithstanding some
adverse criticism I have seen no reason to withdraw, that
they represent the head of the bull-roarer, the sacred
instrument almost universal in primitive mysteries.3
Concentric circles with a radial line closely resemble the
labyrinthine patterns which find their highest expres-
sion on the coins of Crete ; and so these may perhaps

1 As a single example see M. Archambault, Les megalithes nto-
caUdoniens (L'Anthropologie, xii, p. 257).

2 See Spencer and Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Aus-
tralia, p. 737, ff.

3 PRIA, xxxiv, C, p. 387.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 233

suggest a place for ceremonial dances, and thus the
sacred dance itself. This interpretation also I have
discussed at greater length elsewhere (loc. cit. in last
footnote). At Hollywood, Co. Wicklow, there is a stone
with a device engraved upon it quite remarkably re-
sembling the Cretan Labyrinthine pattern (fig. 90).

FIG. 90 — SCULPTURED STONE AT HOLLYWOOD

234 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

The compound figures, represented diagramatically
on fig. 83, may possibly be interpreted — (a) at New
Grange, as a rude animal figure : it has, however,
been compared, with very doubtful propriety, to the
Scandinavian ship-figures ; (b) at Loch Craoibhe :
can this possibly be meant to represent a planet circling
round its primary ? (c) at New Grange : this device
I have elsewhere endeavoured to explain as a dance
(indicated by the triple invecked oval) round a stone
circle (represented in plan) accompanied by the bull-
roarer (represented by the central lozenge) ; (d) again,
at Loch Craoibhe (see also fig. 85). This possibly
represents the rays streaming downward from the sun.

But the circular ornaments are, on the whole, less
easy to explain, even conjecturally, than the rectilinear
figures. Some of them may be figures of the sun,
moon, or other heavenly bodies ; but in the Australian
figures reproduced by Spencer and Gillen (loc. cit.)
precisely similar groups of concentric circles denote
wells, trees, and women, according to the exigencies of
the tradition which the designs are intended to illus-
trate ; and there may have been no greater definiteness
in the interpretation of bronze-age symbols.

Recently it has been suggested that pairs of spirals,
side by side (fig. 83, ix), are intended to represent a
pair of human (or divine) eyes. Such pairs are frequent
in the sepulchral chambers, and if this explanation,
which is very reasonable, be sound, then this device
takes its place with the other naturalistic figures
enumerated a page or two ante. It is easy to imagine
the terror which would be inspired in a bronze-age
thief who dared to penetrate into the sacred chamber,
by seeing these gigantic spiral " eyes " glaring at him
through the gloom.

In Aegean art the decorative groups of concentric
circles are derived by degeneration from those con-
taining spirals. Spirals and concentric circles are
rarely found together in Irish bronze-age art, which
may possibly indicate a similar evolution ; but we
cannot be sure of this. The technique of the sculpture

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 235

in the chamber of Dubhadh is older than that in the
adjacent chamber of New Grange ; but concentric
circles dominate in the former monument, and are all
but absent from the latter.

All that we can say with any assurance with regard
to the interpretation of petroglyphs is that their close
connexion with sepulture shews that in some unknown
form and in some unknown tongue they express the
universal prayer — Lucem Tuam et requiem dona Domine
huicce sepulto !

CHAPTER VII

SOCIAL ORGANISATION

I. Nature of the present Study. II. The double Strand in the
Population. III. Nature of a social Organisation. IV. Kinship.
V. Matriarchal Systems. VI. Evidences for Matriarchy. VII.
Polygamy. VIII. Complexity of primitive social Organisa-
tions : Exogamy. IX. Totemism. X. The Growth and De-
velopment of the Pre- Celtic Tribes. XI. The Language of
the Pre-Celtic Tribes.

I. The subjects that have occupied us thus far
have been of a tangible nature. We have had before
us the implements and utensils of stone and bronze
and pottery, and have been able to deduce something
of the process of evolution which the types they re-
presented had undergone. We have now to turn to
a harder task. We have to look behind the tools,
which we can see and handle, to their long-vanished
makers ; and we have to endeavour, so far as may be
possible, to reconstruct their methods of thought, and
their outlook on the world with which they found
themselves surrounded.

Such a task may well seem hopeless. We may dig
the mouldering bones from the graves, and measure
and classify them ; but we cannot fit a tongue to them
which will voice the thoughts that their owners
thought, three to four thousand years ago. Not a
scrap of writing has come down to us from that dis-
tant time, nor even any document of which we can
say that it was copied from writings of the Stone and
Bronze Ages ; for if anything is certain about the
past, this at least is sure, that writing was unknown
in Ireland during the Stone and Bronze Ages. More
hopeful might seem the ancient traditions preserved
to our day, before schoolmasters and newspapers put

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 237

other and not always better ideas in their stead ; but
even here we have no touchstone by which we can
distinguish with assurance between the primitive
stone- and bronze-age elements in the common stock
of tradition, and the accretions which should be
ascribed to the intervening Age of Iron.

This may almost seem to write " No Thoroughfare "
over the pathway which we wish to traverse in the
present chapter. But we need not altogether despair.
There are certain indications from which we can draw
deductions ; and the analogy of manners and customs
among primitive races elsewhere, often remote and
racially quite unconnected with the people which it
is our special concern to study, throws no little illu-
mination on the problem before us. The picture we
can draw can never be anything but imperfect ; but
we need not lose hope of making it a picture.

II. First then let us in a few words remind our-
selves of what was said at the beginning of our study.
There is evidence of a double strand in the population
of Ireland previous to the Norman conquest in
1172 A.D. ; a dark and medium-statured race, allied
with the Mediterranean peoples whose most typical
representatives are now to be seen in Spain ; and a
tall fair-haired race, allied to the Nordic peoples
whose most typical modern representatives are in
Scandinavia. Further, the Mediterranean tribes were
the earlier, aboriginal, population, and were subdued
and reduced to a subordinate position by the Nordic
invaders. The Nordic people seem to have come in
about the beginning of the Iron Age, and are not
improbably responsible for introducing the Iron cul-
ture and the Celtic language to Ireland. Almost to
the end of the history of Ireland as an independent
country we find this division clearly maintained. It
lies at the basis of the caste system, which is safe-
guarded by numerous stringent rules and regulations
in the Brehon laws ; and a tacit assumption of the
distinction between freeman and bondman, between
the fair-haired people and the dark-haired people, is

238 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

always in the background throughout the whole range
of Irish literature.

Our special concern in this volume is with the earlier
people, the daerchlanna or unfree tribes of the later
literature ; and our present subject is their social
organisation. It will perhaps make the study a little
more intelligible if we start from a known point. Let
us consider as briefly as possible what is the social
organisation of our own community, and working
back from that let us endeavour to see by contrast
what were the peculiarities which distinguished that
of the aboriginal tribes of Ireland.

III. We may consider a social organism as con-
sisting of a scale of units, each major unit being com-
posed of aggregates of the minor units next below it
in the scale. The lowest unit in the scale is the indi-
vidual, man, woman, boy, or girl. The next unit is
the family ; and, according to our system, the family
is regarded as consisting of a man and his wife with
the children born of their union. Of this community
the man is recognised as the head ; the bride in the
marriage service is required, at least as a matter of
form, to promise love, honour, and obedience to him.
Technically a family thus constituted is known as a
patriarchal monogamous family ; and these names
reveal the possibility of a family being constituted on
quite different systems, denoted by names that have
a converse meaning. We shall presently hear of
families constructed on a matriarchal basis — in which
the woman is the head ; and the rigid law of our
social system which forbids more than one wife and
more than one husband (expressed by the word mono-
gamous), is by no means universal among the families
of the earth.

The next unit above the family of parents and
children would be the kin or clan ; but this unit is
practically obsolete in our modern social system. The
John Browns may be on terms of the closest intimacy
with their neighbours the Robinsons, though there is
no sort of kinship between them ; while at the same

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 239

time they may be in deadliest enmity with their own
cousins, the William Browns. In other social organ-
isations, however, we may find a system in which the
clan unites all its members against the world, in a sort
of indissoluble freemasonry to which no outsider can
be admitted. Indeed, in such a system, the family,
to which our social order attaches such importance
(chiefly on account of its necessity to the nurture and
training of children) sinks into comparative insignifi-
cance, and even the individuality of the individual
(if the reader will pardon the clumsy expression) is
absorbed in the paramount importance and claims of
the clan. The Bedawin offer a good example of this.
If a man of kin A should kill a man of kin B, the B
people do not say " So-and-so's blood has been shed " :
they say " Our blood has been shed " — as though the
life-fluid of the whole kindred has been tapped at its
reservoir. In consequence, the desert law of revenge
follows with relentless logic. The blood of the mur-
derer's kin must be tapped likewise ; any member of
the injured kin may, and when opportunity arises
must, kill any member of the murderer's kin, whether
he had anything to do with the original crime or not.

Among ourselves, the few relics of a kin-unit hardly
count, except as a matter of sentiment. Indeed, in
our system, there is scarcely any unit of importance
left between the family and the state, which contains
all the rest. There are no doubt municipal, parliamen-
tary, and other divisions, but these are political rather
than social units ; a man can without hindrance pass
from one to another, severing his connexions in the
one, and forming new connexions in the other, at his
pleasure.

It may therefore be said that in our community the
social organisation is reduced to the simplest practic-
able terms. There are those who would seek to
simplify it still further by abolishing the family, ad-
mitting no intermediary between the individual and
the state. But these theoretical refinements of civili-
sation do not here concern us.

240 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Civilisation can be gauged by the degree of complexity
in the specialisation of trades and tools. Contrariwise,
civilisation can equally be -gauged by the degree of
simplification of the social order. The lowest savages
whose manners and customs have been studied with
any fulness, the Australian blacks, have their society
modelled on a system whose complications it is ex-
tremely difficult to understand. And it may be taken
as a general rule that the higher in the scale we proceed,
the simpler does the system become.

IV. We may say that in all cases the primary basis
of such systems is kinship. Kinship, generally, may
be defined as the connexion between one person and
another, based on the belief in descent from a common
ancestor. That ancestor may be a god or a man, or
even an animal or an inanimate object ; but all persons
who claim descent from the ancestor are united against
all persons who cannot claim that advantage. The
fact of kinship may be expressed and understood in
different ways ; and still more the notions of the
degree of kinship may vary surprisingly. The Austra-
lian black calls certain old men and old women of his
tribe, whom we should consider scarcely related to him
at all, by names which denote the relationships of
" father " and " mother " respectively : similarly he
calls certain of his own contemporaries " brother "
and " sister " ; and it is said to be difficult to make
him understand the narrowly defined physical rela-
tionships that we associate with those words.

V. How, then, is kinship to be traced ? Here we
come on the first important basis of classification.
Our custom is to trace descent by the male line, father
to son ; and the number of people who can name
their ancestors in that line for eight generations is
probably greater than the number who can give the
surnames of their eight great-grandparents. But
there are communities in which the descent is reckoned
through the female line. As a rule this is found only
at a comparatively low stage of civilisation.

There are three possible reasons for this method of

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 241

reckoning kinship. The first is simply the ignorance
of the savage of the physiological process of conception
and birth, which have to be learned like everything
else. The Arunta tribe of Australia even yet are
alleged to be unaware that the father has anything to
do with the existence of the child, which they are said
to attribute to a spirit that has entered the mother's
body. This primitive notion may lie at the basis of
the matrilinear succession in many cases ; for where
there is no father recognised, descent necessarily counts
from the only parent taken account of.

The second reason is similar. In a community
where there are few women, a plurality of husbands
may create a doubt of the parentage of the child ; and
though as in Thibet (where such a social system exists)
there are conventions by which the doubt is resolved,
still this may not always be the case.

Thirdly, we can explain the matriarchal system by
considering the circumstances of a community of
hunters. The men are away all day in search of
game ; the women remain behind in the dwelling.
On the woman devolves the care of the home, the
hearth, and the children. In the woman the family
and tribal traditions find their repository ; and by
virtue of these she rules the household.

VI. Now we have very strong reasons for believing
that the pre-Celtic people were organised on a mat-,
riarchal basis. One of the most remarkable facts
bearing on this is the ascription of the ancient palaces
and sanctuaries of Ireland without exception to the
foundation of a woman. Tara by Tea or Tephi ;
Emain Macha by Macha ; Tailltiu and Tlachtgha by
the women whose names they bore. Never mind
whether these women had any real existence or not,
or whether the names found in the stories which we
have about them are mere inventions for etymological
purposes. There is probably some basis for the
stories themselves, and it is very remarkable that in
almost every case there was a tradition that a woman
had founded these ancient palaces.

Q

242 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

An important fact, preserved to us by Bede,1 is here
in point. It is more then merely probable that the
Picts of Scotland were cognate with the aboriginal race
of Ireland which we are at present studying. Now
Bede tells us that the kings of the Picts of Scotland
were succeeded not by their sons but by their sisters'
sons. This means that the Pictish monarchy was
organised on a matriarchal, or rather a matrilinear
basis. It is not to be supposed that in any primitive
community a succession of chieftains of the physically
weaker sex would be permitted ; but it was recognised
that while for practical purposes the actual muscle
must be that of a man, the man held office by right
of his descent from, or connexion with, a woman.
Thus the Pictish king was not the son of his pre-
decessor, but the son of the woman nearest of kin to
the predecessor. This is confirmed by the testimony
of the Pictish Chronicle, a document written in
Latin in the time of Cinead son of Mael-Choluim,
A.D. 971-995. The work is divided into three
parts ; a brief account of the origin of the Picts,
founded on Isidore ; a bald list of the native
Pictish kings ; and a fuller account of the Celtic kings
of Scotland after the union of the Celtic invaders
with the aboriginal Picts, from Cinead mac Ailpin,
844 A.D., to Cinead mac Mael-Choluim, just men-
tioned, under whom the work was compiled.2 Some
of the early Pictish kings were doubtless mythical ;
but from 583 to 840 .we have a certain amount of
corroborative evidence afforded us by the Irish annals,
especially the Annals of Ulster ; and between those
dates we may take the list as authentic.

Professor Zimmer, who has studied this list with
special care,3 has pointed out the following remarkable
features discernible in it : —

JM*

1 Historia Ecclestasttca, I, i.

2 The text'is printed in Skene's Chronicles of the Picts and Scots.

3 See Das Mutterrecht der Pikten, in the Zeitschrift der Savigny-
stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte, xv, 277 : translated in Henderson's
Leabhar nan Gleann.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 243

(i). There is a limited number of king's names ;
they occur over and over again.

(2). The kings' fathers' names are given in each
case ; but none of the kings' fathers appear as kings.

(3). The kings' names are all Pictish, but the kings'
fathers' names are not necessarily so. Some are Irish,
others Cymric, others again Anglian or Saxon. This
is especially important, as we shall see presently.

These facts would be unintelligible under a patri-
archal system ; but if we assume that the king was
succeeded by his sister's son (failing a brother ; in
one or two cases a brother succeeds) then all is clear.
The king reigns by virtue of his mother ; the father
is of no importance, is not a king, and as often as not
may be a foreigner. And as we have seen above, Bede
at the beginning of his Ecclesiastical History reports to
us that this was actually the case ; and it is interesting
to notice that the system seems to Bede so extra-
ordinary that he seeks to explain it, without much
success. The same fact is noticed in Irish literature,
and there also we meet with an attempt to explain it.
For we are told that the Picts came to Eremon, the
first Milesian king of Ireland, to beg for a league and
for wives ; that Eremon granted to them the wives
of the chieftains who had met their deaths in the
endeavour to seize Ireland ; and that in return he
extorted an agreement that all honours and dignities
should pass, among the Picts, in the female line.
This shows that the fact of matrilinear succession
among the Picts attracted the attention of both Saxon
and Celtic writers ; that it seemed to them something
that called for explanation ; and that they did their
best to find an explanation by that flickering candle
called " the light of nature." '

We now begin to see the significance of the ancient
story related above (page 29) to the effect that the
leader of the first expedition to Ireland was the woman
Cesair : also that the leader of the first attack of the
Fomhoraigh was another woman, Lot. These tales
have come down to us out of, or at least referring to,

244 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

a matriarchal society, in which it seemed natural for
the woman to take the initiative.

Zimmer also shows us that when the Irish-Celtic
kings succeeded to the Pictish kings in the united
kingdom of Celtlahd and Pictland in Scotland, the
matriarchate did not yield to the patriarchate without
a struggle. Cinead mac Ailpin, the first king of the
united peoples, died A.D. 857, according to the Annals
of Ulster, and there is named Rex Pictorum. Under
the Celtic system he might have been succeeded by
his son or his brother ; under the Pictish system he
should have been succeeded by his sister's son or his
brother. In point of fact his brother Domhnall
succeeded, so that neither party had ground for com-
plaint. Domhnall was succeeded in 862 by his son
Constantine ; but Aedh, brother of that Constantine,
was murdered, and his sister's son placed as king in
his stead ; apparently a last attempt of the Picts to
establish their own system over the united throne.

VII. A number of other ancient authors give us
information which corroborate these deductions.
National pride has endeavoured to explain away
Caesar's well-known statement about the inhabitants
of the interior of Britain, namely that ten or twelve
men would have wives in common, the children being
reckoned to the man to whom the wife was first given.
There is no use whatever trying to get rid of this pas-
sage. It simply describes a community whose organi-
sation was practically identical with that of the Nayars
of Malabar, the typical example of this form of social
order. As Caesar knew nothing of the Nayars, nor
his informants either, the statement cannot have been
invented.

Strabo and Dio Cassius both speak of a community
of wives, the former in Ireland, the latter among the
Scottish Picts ; and Hieronymus and Solinus bear
testimony to the same effect. We need not here
discuss at any length what these writers say. The
chief remark that has to be made about them is that
they evidently completely misunderstood what they

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 245

were writing about. They were confronted with a
social scheme totally different from that to which they
were accustomed. They could not understand it,
and certainly did not try to do so ; it was not un-
naturally repulsive to their instincts ; and in conse-
quence they wrote off the people, with whom they
professed to deal, as savages having no regular marriage
laws, but what amounted to a complete promiscuity.
Modern apologists, as ignorant as the ancient writers
themselves, feel aggrieved at having these unpleasant
things said about their ancestors, and get out of the
difficulty easily but unscientifically by calling the ancient
writers liars ; which is the one thing they certainly
were not. In fact, both the ancient writers and their
modern critics forget that society can be built on more
than one basis. The scheme that has grown up among
ourselves we consider the best and most suitable, and
we would not willingly change it ; but other schemes
have happened to grow up in places subject to other
conditions, and while we may rightly consider them
inferior to our own, we have no right to dismiss
them contemptuously with abusive names.

VIII. Indeed, every analogy would lead us to infer
that the Pre-Celtic social system, of which we have
a fragment in the Pictish law of succession, so far
from being based on mere promiscuity, was highly
complex. And here we come to a point on which
Zimmer has touched, though he has overlooked its
especial importance. This is the fact that so many of
the kings' fathers among the Picts bear foreign names,
Gaelic, Cymric, or Saxon. It is a clear indication
that with the matriarchal system of descent there was
coupled, as is generally the case, a law of exogamy.

The word " exogamy " implies that a man must
seek his wife outside the tribal unit to which he
happens to belong. The converse expression is en-
dogamy, in which marriages take place within the
tribal unit. With us Mr. Smith is at perfect liberty
to marry Miss Smith, provided that certain definite
relationships, clearly tabulated in the law on the

246 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

subject, do not exist between them. In an exogamous
community the restrictions are far more drastic ; such
a marriage is absolutely prohibited, even though the
parties may have no traceable blood relationship.
One of the Smith tribe must seek his bride from some
different stock.

A curious result follows from this. If a Smith man
marries a Robinson woman, under the matriarchal
system all the children will be Robinsons ; they will
belong to the mother's tribe, which by the law differs
from that of the father. A moment's thought will
show that while a man's own children will thus belong
to a tribal unit differing from his own, his sister's
children will belong to his own unit. This result is
recognised among all matriarchal communities : with
the result that sometimes a man dare not chastise his
own children, for fear of the vengeance of the tribe
to which they belong ; but when chastisement is neces-
sary he must beg their maternal uncle to administer
it, for naturally a man may do what he likes to his
sister's children.

Further, this principle of exogamy explains another
point. Under the ordinary social system of civilised
Europe, a wedding of father and daughter is unthink-
able. In an exogamous matriarchate it may be quite
right and proper, for the two people belong to opposite
tribes. Now such marriages do appear several times
in the Irish genealogies ; and the late redactors who
have transmitted the genealogies endeavour with
indifferent success to explain them away. But there
is no necessity to do so when we have identified the
social system under which they are legal.

IX. In speaking of the tribes I have up to now used
as convenient labels modern surnames with which we
are familiar. But we must now enquire what substitute
for these surnames was in use among the people with
whom we have to deal. And this leads us at once to
a consideration of the very extraordinary and wide-
spread institution of totemism.

The word totem is derived, or rather corrupted,

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 247

from a word in one of the North American Indian
languages. It is defined by Sir James Frazer as mean-
ing " A class of material objects which a savage regards
with superstitious respect, believing that there exists
between him and every member of the class an inti-
mate and altogether special connexion." A totem
may be a species of animals — not one separate speci-
men, but the whole species : a species of plants ; or
even something inanimate, as a stone or one of the
heavenly bodies. There are three kinds of totems ;
the clan totem, common to a whole clan and passing
by inheritance from generation to generation ; the sex
totem, common to all the men or to all the women of
the tribe ; and the individual totem, belonging to a
single individual and not passing to his descendants.

Now, briefly, the connexion between the clan and
its totem is partly social and partly religious. The
members of a totem clan call themselves by the name
of their totem ; regard themselves as descended from
a being of the totem species ; and consider all crea-
tures of the totem species as kin to themselves. Thus,
to give merely a single example,1 the turtle clan of
the Iroquois or Mohawk Indians regard themselves as
the descendants of a large and fat turtle, which being
burdened with its cumbersome shell in walking, con-
trived by great exertions to throw it off, and so gradu-
ally developed into a man, their progenitor. The
totem being kin to the tribe, it would be as criminal
an act to kill or eat the flesh of the totem animal as it
would be to commit a similar outrage on the person
of a tribesman. There is a large variety of such pro-
hibitions on the use of the totem. Sometimes the
totem must not be looked at or touched. A Samoan
tribe, which has the butterfly for totem, must not
perforate the three eyes of a cocoanut when they wish
to drink of it ; only one or at most two may be perfor-
ated. For it is supposed that the three eyes together
are a kind of picture of the butterfly ; and to perforate

1 Borrowed from Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. i, p. 5.

248 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

all three would be to mock the totem, and so bring
down its vengeance on the tribe that treated it with
so little reverence.1 Elsewhere the totem is fed, and
very often if the totem be found dead it is buried with
lamentations. Aelian tells us that the people of the
island of Seriphus in the Aegean Sea, if ever they
caught a lobster in their fishing nets, were careful to
put it back into the sea ; and if they found a dead
lobster they buried it and mourned over it as over one
of themselves. To this day there is a- place in
Spain where a sardine is buried solemnly every Ash
Wednesday.2

These will suffice as specimens of the beliefs and
practices of totemism. The origin of this strange
faith, if so we may call it, has not been satisfactorily
made out. And its most remarkable feature is that
it is almost universal. It is found in Australia, among
the American aborigines, among the Semites, in India,
among the I ndo -Europeans. It lies at the base of
many of the otherwise inexplicable rites and beliefs of
Classical Greece and Rome. It is traceable in the
dateless antiquity of the Early Stone Age. In brief,
we may almost say that wherever you find men that
have developed out of primitive conditions, there you
find relics of totemism. Even our noble selves abjure
the pleasure of eating horse-flesh, to which our Con-
tinental neighbours have no objection, and why ?
Because the horse was the totem of the first Saxon
invaders, whose mythical leaders were Hengist
("stallion ") and " Horsa." We have inherited the
prohibition, though we have forgotten its reason.

Now to show something of the importance of totem-
ism in determining social relationships, I will give in
outline the restrictions which correspond to our cata-
logue of prohibited degrees in one of the many tribes
of New South Wales. It will serve as an illustration ;
and if anyone should feel inclined to complain that he

lOp. cit., vol. i, p. 13.

2 These instances are also borrowed from Frazer, in whose book
there is a large collection from all parts of the world.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 249

wishes to hear .about Ancient Ireland and not about
Australian savages, I can only say that we cannot
understand the few fragments of fact which we can
recover concerning social life in the Bronze Age in
this country without coming to their study prepared
by a knowledge of corresponding institutions elsewhere,
which circumstances permit us to study in detail.

The tribe I have chosen is divided first of all into
two classes, called Ngielbumurra and Mukumurra.
The first law of the tribe is that marriage must not
take place except between persons of opposite classes.

Further the classes are divided into two sub -classes
each. The Ngielbumurra sub-classes are called Ipai
and Kumbo ; the Mukumurra classes are called
Murri and Kubbi. And each class has three totems ;
the Ngielbumurra totems are the mallee-hen, the emu
and the opossum ; the Mukumurra totems are the
black duck, the bandicoot, and the kangaroo. As a
man in either class may belong to one or other of the
sub-classes, and to any one of the totems, it follows
that there are six kinds of men, so to speak, in each
class, or twelve in the whole tribe, and similarly of
women.

Every man has a choice of wives among three of
these different kinds of women. We need not do more
than take a single example for our present purpose.
Take a man of the Ngielbumurra, sub-class Kumbo,
totem emu. This man must marry a Mukumurra
woman ; she may be either Murri or Kubbi ; but if
Kubbi she must be a kangaroo, and if Murri she must
not be a kangaroo, but must belong to one or other of
the two remaining totems. There are similar restric-
tions on all the other kinds of men, and reciprocally
each woman of the tribe can have a mate from one of
three possible kinds of the opposite sex.

The children belong to the class and totem of the
mother, but to the opposite sub-class. Thus, in one
of the cases cited above, if our hero marry a Muku-
murra Kubbi kangaroo, the children will be Muku-
murra Murri kangaroos. Obviously this prevents the

250 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

marriage of parents and children, which as we have
just seen is quite possible under other exogamous
systems.

We have seen in the descent of the kings of the
Picts, the last surviving organised relics of the Pre-
Celtic population of these islands, evidence for matri-
archy and for exogamy. We have next to consider
whether there is any evidence for totemism. And we
have not far to seek. In the invaluable paper on Early
Irish Population groups, communicated in 1911 by
Prof. MacNeill to the Royal Irish Academy, there are
to be found lists of all the communal names which its
author has found in the genealogies and elsewhere.
Among these names we find Corcu Bibuir, " the beaver
people " ; Corcu Cuilend, " the puppy people " ;
Corcu Oirce, " the pig people " ; Corcu Tened, " the
fire people." Also among names ending with the
collective ending rige, we have Bibraige, " the beaver
people " ; Artraige, " the bear people " ; Boccraige,
" the goat people " ; Breccrige, " the trout people " ;
Cattraige, " the cat people " ; Cechtrige, " the plough
people " — an example of a totem not an animal —
Cnamrige, " the bone people " — an example of a totem
being part of an animal, as often happens. Osraige,
the modern Ossory, denotes " the deer people."
There are other names that might be added to this list,
but these will suffice for the present. It may be added
that there is reason to believe that these tribal names
belong to a form more definitely connected with the
aborigines than with the Celtic invaders.

From this it follows that there were a number of
communities in Ireland -bearing totemic names, and
that totemism was to be found in Ireland as elsewhere
in antiquity. Even among the iron-age invaders it
was not unknown. The grotesque story that the
mother of Oisin the poet was a deer can best be ex-
plained by supposing that she belonged to a fawn
kindred, just as the Australian women of whom we
were speaking a moment ago call themselves kangaroos,
emus, and what not. On the other hand, Fionn's

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 251

lieutenant, Diarmuid 6 Duibhne, belonged to a boar
totem ; he was under a prohibition never to chase a
boar ; and he met his death as a result of breaking
the geis.1

X. Of the growth and development of these tribes
and of their mutual relationships we can say next to
nothing. The country was probably first peopled by
a small settlement in the North-East corner. These
would spread gradually over the land, and would form
communities, isolated by the long stretches of forest
land which, thanks to the infesting wolves, were
almost impassible barriers. Each tribe would then
develop along its own lines, though probably in a fairly
uniform course. A council of elders under the presi-
dency of a chief would regulate its affairs, and would
be the repository of its traditions and the arbiter of
its customs and its actions. But really all that we can
guess about the government of these early tribes is
merely derived from analogy with other tribes which
we can study more closely. The stone- and bronze-age
people were the helots of the age in which the litera-
ture was written ; the story-tellers and the law-givers
were not interested in their arrangements, which had
been abrogated when their land was captured by the
Celtic-speaking immigrants ; and they record little
or nothing directly about them.

XL The Celtic tongue made so complete a conquest
of the speech of the aborigines that hardly anything
is left of the latter. Efforts have been made to discover
in the syntax of Irish and also of Welsh traces of an
earlier syntax — just as traces of Celtic influence can be
found in the syntax of such Irish-English expressions
as " I am after going," " He has his window broken."
This has not given any very satisfactory result, as we
have unfortunately no Celtic language free from these
theoretical contaminations with which to compare the

1 The story of Diarmuid gives a different explanation of the pro-
hibition : but this is not exempt from the elementary and almost
universal law, familiar to all folk-lorists, that a myth is always later
than the " fact " which it seeks to explain.

252 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

insular dialects. The Celtic of the Continent is known
to us only by a few short and shattered inscriptions,
from which very little indeed can be gleaned.

More promising are the place names. There are
many names (for instance Dundrum) the meaning of
which is obvious, in this case " the fort of the ridge."
Others are less easy to understand, as Stillorgan^ which
is an outrageous corruption for Teach Lorcain, " the
house of Lorcan." Some place-names contain words
now obsolete, but known from literary sources. It is
a fascinating study, even when the names are so sadly
and savagely corrupted as they are on Irish maps and
railway-stations. We are led step by step from the
easy to the difficult ; we solve the problems as they
arise, by seeking out the oldest and most authentic
forms of the names ; and at last we arrive at that most
impressive thing, a mystery. We reach a wall that no
man may pass. Within that wall are written most of
the river names, and a good many of the mountain
names ; the most striking and obvious natural
features. The land-divisions, towns, and villages,
bear Celtic names, showing that we are to assign the
artificial political divisions of the country to the later
comers ; the rivers, and to some extent the mountains,
bear names which cannot be explained as Celtic, and
which must therefore be a legacy from the earlier
inhabitants — though no doubt they have been modified
by being transmitted to us through many generations
of Celtic speakers. That boundary wall which no
man may pass is the Holy of Holies of long-forgotten
river deities, worshipped in the far-off ages before
the knowledge of iron came into the country. If the
flints found in the gravels of Larne are the oldest
monuments of human workmanship in the country,
the names of the rivers are the oldest monuments of
human thought.

We have seen that Scotland preserves for us some-
thing of the Pre-Celtic social system in the succession
of the Pictish kings. It also preserves for us some-
thing of the language that we are seeking. The Pictish

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 253

language lasted in Scotland down to the time of Colum
Cille, for he had to employ an interpreter in speaking
to the Picts. Had he lived a century earlier he would
probably have known the language from his infancy,
for there is every reason to believe that it survived in
Ireland to a comparatively late date. But perhaps
Colum Cille, as a scion of royalty, was as carefully
guarded from learning Pictish in his youth as were the
children of the squireens of a past generation from
committing, the unpardonable social solecism of learn-
ing Irish ! Be that as it may, the Pictish language
certainly lingered in some parts of Scotland after it
had disappeared in Ireland, and moreover was written ;
for we possess some sixteen inscriptions found in the
East and North of the country, written partly in the
Ogham character, partly in minuscules, and once in
a very debased form of Roman capitals. These in-
scriptions have been studied by the late Sir John Rhys
with great ingenuity ; he endeavoured to make some
sense of them with the aid of modern Basque.1 The
Picts being assumed to be a branch of the Iberian
race, whose chief representatives are settled in Spain,
this comparison is more natural than perhaps might
appear at first sight. Certainly no one has obtained
from these inscriptions any results of the smallest
value with the use of any Celtic language for com-
parison. What militates against any hope of complete
success along the lines followed by Sir John Rhys is
the scantiness of the material. The inscriptions are
all short, and many of them are very badly mutilated ;
some indeed are so much injured that they would be
useless even if the language in which they are written
were perfectly known. On the other hand, Basque
is known to us only in modern dialects ; there is no
ancient literature in the language from which to re-
cover the ancient forms. Irish and Latin are very
closely cognate languages ; but if we had only a few

1 The Inscriptions and Language of the Northern Picts, Proc. Soc.
Antiq. Scot, xxvi, p. 263.

254 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

short and broken inscriptions in Latin, and nothing
else, it could hardly be expected that we should make
much of them by comparison of their linguistic forms
with those of Modern Irish. It is true, there are a
number of short inscriptions in Spain to which the
name Celtiberian is commonly given, which mostly
consist, apparently, of proper names, but which
otherwise are perfectly unintelligible. These may
be in some early language cognate with modern
Basque ; but to attempt to interpret the Pictish in-
scriptions of Scotland by the Celtiberian inscriptions
of Spain would indeed be to interpret ignotum per
ignotius.

To sum up, we have found scraps of evidence which
when pieced together and explained in the light that
comparative anthropology has to throw upon them,
enable us to restore something of the tribal system of
the Stone and the Bronze Ages in Ireland. We have
seen that the stone-age settlers were scattered over
the country, forming isolated communities which were
the nuclei of separate and independent tribes ; that
these tribes developed the principle of totemism — the
germ of which they doubtless had brought with them
from their previous home ; that they reckoned descent
in the female line ; and that while polygamy was no
doubt practised — we hear of a polygamous king of
Leinster so late as the time of St. Findian of Cluain
Iraird — there was unquestionably a code of forbidden
degrees, or something analogous thereto, founded on
one or other of the numerous systems of exogamy
which have been systematised by students of primitive
man throughout the world. And lastly, though we
can never hope to recover anything significant of the
language of this people, we have certain inscriptions
which shew us what it was like, and from which we
learn that while it may or may not have been cognate
with the modern Basque, it was most probably not a
member of the Indo-European family.

CHAPTER VIII

DWELLINGS AND FORTIFICATIONS

I. Classification and Chronology of the Remains of Habitations.
II. The Shore-dwellers. III. Bee-hive Huts. IV. Bronze-age
Remains. V. Towns and Villages. VI. The Great Stone
Fortresses. VII. The Palace Sites. VIII. The Promontory
Forts. IX. The Earthen Ring-forts.

I. In approaching the subject of the dwellings and
fortifications of the Stone and the Bronze Ages we
are confronted at the outset with a serious difficulty.
How are we to distinguish between the fortresses
and dwelling-places of the stone-age and bronze-age
people on the one hand, and those of the iron-age
people who succeeded them on the other ?

To such a question excavation alone could give a
satisfactory answer ; and the great probability is that
even excavation would not in this case be very inform-
ing. Thanks to the almost superhuman labours of
Mr. T. J. Westropp, we have a large quantity of
material now available for the study of the plans and
the architecture of the ancient forts of the country ;
but we have as yet little information as to structures
underground and antiquities associated with them. It
is, however, in the last degree improbable that there is
much in the way of portable antiquities buried in the
ground ; excavations that have been conducted for
the purpose of finding such objects have been singu-
larly unsuccessful, and in many cases the fortress is
built on bare rock.

The first rough classification that presents itself is
a division into forts on land, and forts on water. The
former are the structures erected on terra firma ; the
latter are erected on artificial islands, constructed in

255

256 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

the lakes. To such islands the name crannog is given
in this country. Those that have been investigated,
if they have yielded anything at all, have been found
to contain rusty iron nails, horseshoes, and other odds
and ends of very late date ; and we may take it as a
fixed point in this tangled subject that the Irish lake-
dwellings are all of the Iron Age at earliest. In fact, the
crannogs are a kind of prototype of the Norman mottes.
The mottes are conical mounds, erected for supporting
the wooden tower that was the first fortress of the
intruding Norman baron — there are a considerable
number of these mounds still remaining, in places
where the Normans established themselves. They
are the monuments of men who seized the lands of
the native peoples, reduced them to vassalage, and had
in consequence to protect themselves continually
against the vengeance of their serfs. In like manner
the fair-haired Nordic invaders, who introduced the
Celtic language and the Iron culture — and who were
of the same race as their Norman conquerors — had
seized the lands of the bronze- age aborigines, and had
had to protect themselves against the wrath of their
vassals. Accordingly they established themselves on
islands on the lakes ; where there was no island they
made one. I have said this much in explanation of
my passing over the lake-dwellings in the present
chapter on the Pre-Celtic dwellings and defences.

Of dwellings and fortresses on terra firma, literally
tens of thousands still survive. Probably many perish
without any record of them being preserved, as more
land is put under tillage. Many others have been
destroyed in pure mischief.

At present we have only probability to go upon in
discriminating between the dwellings of the older and
of the later races established over the land. Moreover,
great as is the material with which we have to deal,
it can only be a small part of the whole subject that
we can deduce from it. Almost all organic substances
having decayed away to nothing, we cannot say any-
thing about the tents of textiles or of hides, or the

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 257

huts and houses of wood, which in this forest-clad
country must have formed the great majority of the
habitations. It is not to be supposed that it was
necessarily the poorer houses that were built of such
perishable materials. The exact contrary is the case.
We possess in the literature, corroborated by lines of
evidence into which this is not the place to enter,
descriptions showing that, at least in the Iron and
Early Christian Ages, the wealthier and more impor-
tant houses were made of wood : and that by a curious
anomaly, resulting from this, it is the poorer houses
that have survived, and the richer houses that have
disappeared.

II. In endeavouring to infer something about the
dwellings and fortifications of the Stone and Bronze
Ages, we may begin with the shore-dwellers. Their
prototypes, the men of Oronsay, lived in wooden
huts ; for in the recent exploration of the shell
mounds, on that island, the holes for the posts of
these structures were found.1 The huts them-
selves had naturally vanished, and nothing could
be told of their plans except what the positions of
the post-holes revealed. When the shore-dwelling
communities came to Ireland, they most probably
settled in similar flimsy habitations. A few skins of
slaughtered animals, hung on wooden props in such
a way as to shut out sun, rain, or wind, was probably
the most that they aspired to. Many of the shore-sites
shew no trace of any fixed habitation ; there is nothing
but the hearth — a layer of flat stones, covered with
ashes, remains of a fire that may have been lit in the
open air (fig. 91) — and the heaps of shells and other
kitchen refuse. One of the most common indications
of a shore settlement is a black line in the sand — the
ancient surface, coloured by ashes and by the decay
of organic substances.2

1 See the report of the excavation of this mound, already referred
to in Chapter III.

2 The best example of this black line, remaining in the country,
is at Portstewart : see PRIA, vol. xxv, C, p. 197 f.

R

258 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES .

Hut-sites of stone have, however, been found at
Whitepark Bay, Dun Fionnachaidh, Baile an Bhoin-
eannaigh, and some other places where shore sites
exist. They are all ruined to the foundations, and it
would be hard to reconstruct their form with any
certainty. We may, however, presume that they did
not differ to any marked degree from the bee-hive
kraals which have survived from a later time. Like
these they were circular — as Prof. Montelius has shewn,

FIG. 91 — HEARTH EMBEDDED IN THE SAND AT TEARMON FEICHIN,
Co. LOUTH

primitive houses were always circular, thus keeping
the tradition of the tent from which they were derived.1
It is most likely that the shore huts differed from the
bee-hive structures in having upright walls, making
enclosures like large jam-pots, which could be roofed
with boughs, laid across the top of the wall and
supporting a covering of hides, cloths, sods of turf,
or anything else that would keep out the weather.

1 See Oscar Montelius, Zur dltesten Geschichte des Wohnhauses in
Europa, published in Archiv fur Anthropologie, vol. xxiii, p. 451.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 259

III. On this theory the bee-hive kraal would be a
later refinement. Most probably all the bee-hive huts
that have survived to our time are of a date later than
the period which at present concerns us ; but the
construction on which they depend was already inven-
ted or introduced in the Bronze Age, for it is adopted
in the large chambered tumuli. It is the principle of
the false arch, so called, in which the stones of the wall
are laid horizontally or nearly so, and project slightly

FIG. 92 — EXTERIOR OF CLOCHAN NA CARRAIGE

over the stones of the course below.1 The opposite
sides of the chamber thus approximate to each other
in their upper stages, until the space between them is
narrow enough to be bridged with a stone of moderate
size.

Of the extant bee-hive structures, one of the best
preserved, and the best known, is Clochan na Carraige

1 It is hardly necessary to observe that the true arch, in which
the joints between the stones radiate from a common centre, is not
known in Ireland till Christian architecture had made some advance.

260 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

on Ara Mor (figs. 92-93). It is of rather larger size
than usual, and is built on an oval, not, as is more
usual, a circular plan. The doorway is so small that
it cannot be entered except on hands and knees,
probably in order that the interior of the building may

FIG. g3 — INTERIOR OF CLOCHAN NA CARRAIGE

be the more easily defended against wolves and other
intruders. A series of long stones covers the roof. This
structure is typical of the bee-hive form of dwelling,
but is doubtless later than the Bronze Age. I
describe it here because there is no certain example
of a bronze-age dwelling remaining in the country.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 261

Huts such as these were the habitations of the
poorer classes — the equivalent of the mud cabins of
modern times. The wooden dwellings of the wealthy
classes, of which we possess gorgeous descriptions
in the literature, have all decayed to nothing. These
bee-hive huts could be erected rapidly and cheaply,
with stones picked up on the surface of the fields ; if
covered on the outside with mud or sods they would
be warm and dry ; they were at least as comfortable
as many mud cottages. It was probably as a mark of
humiliation that such huts became the normal habi-
tations in the monasteries which from about the sixth
to the eight centuries were established on the remote
islands of the west, such as Sceilig Mhichil, Ard
Oilcan, and others.

There is no sign whatever of mortared construction
of any kind in Ireland before the introduction of
Christianity.

IV. Of bronze-age dwelling sites perhaps the most
striking is the village recently discovered on a spur of
the mountain called Ceathramhadh Caol, above Loch
Arbhach, in Co. Sligo. A full description will be
found in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.1
The first thing to notice about this settlement is its
situation at a considerable height on a hill-slope.
This is the general rule with ancient settlements. A
city is set on a hill because it can be most easily pro-
tected from enemies, human and animal, in such a
situation. Down in the valleys, covered as they were
for the greater part with forests, all manner of noxious
beasts prowled, and enemies could attack the settle-
ment from the advantageous position of a height above.

The settlement at Ceathramhadh Caol in its present
state consists of forty-seven circular foundations of
dry stone, in diameter ranging from 20 to 40 feet.
The walls are double, consisting of two rings of slabs
on edge with small stones filling in between, the walls
thus being about 3 feet in thickness. The doorways

1 Vol. xxix, section C, p. 331.

262 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

must have been raised above the surface of the ground
a little, and in every case the walls have been ruined
to below the thresholds. There is no trace of any
internal division into rooms, nor (so far as their ruined
state permits us to judge) is there any sign of their
oversailing after the manner of bee-hive kraals. In
fact it is improbable that they did so ; for to cover
a space of as much as 40 feet in diameter with a bee-
hive structure would require a much greater thickness
of wall to give stability. Most likely the structures
were of the " jam-pot " type, and were rather protec-
ting enclosures, built around dwellings of a more
temporary nature — wooden huts or tents — and shield-
ing them from the wind which on their exposed
situation would otherwise have blown them away.

Thus in dealing with the dwellings of the Bronze
Age we are led to the conception of a hut of wood or
hides or textiles, enclosed within a dry-stone screen-
wall, circular on plan. This protects the hut
from the wind — a necessity on a stormy moun-
tain slope, even if there were no wolves to consider.
The people inhabiting these huts were by no means
poverty-stricken ; they erected large and important
burial earns over their dead in the neighbourhood of
their dwellings. We need not therefore infer from the
apparent poorness of their homes that their life was
correspondingly degraded. Doubtless their standard
of comfort would not satisfy the meanest among
ourselves ; but, in dealing with the subject of social
organisation, each community and each age must be
considered on its own merits, without making invidious
comparisons with other times and other manners.

V. From enclosing each hut within its own boun-
dary-wall it is but a step to concentrating all the huts
together in a single organised community and sur-
rounding them with a common wall.

One of the most specious and weighty arguments
in favour of those who deny the claims of Ireland to
a native civilisation of any kind is the total absence
of any traces of a town community anterior to the

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 263

foundations of the Norman conquerors. In criticising
this argument we must bear in mind two things.
First, that we have not got remains of more than
— what shall I say ? — perhaps the fifty thousandth
part of the prehistoric houses that were at one time or
another in existence in the country ; so that it is really
impossible to say how they may or may not have been
originally grouped. Secondly, that the Celtic village
is organised on a different system from the Teutonic
village, as anyone may see from the railway carriage
window in travelling from Cork to London by Holy-
head. In the Irish part of the journey he will see but
few villages. There will be a succession of single
houses, each on its own holding ; the village will
consist of a few houses, shops, the school-house and
the clergy-house, grouped around the church. In
the English part of the journey there will be seen a
succession of villages, of considerable size, with very
few scattered houses between. The same contrast is
to be observed in the Celtic and Teutonic parts of
Northern Europe.1 Thus the absence of town com-
munities would denote a different, but not necessarily
an inferior, organisation. But even with the imperfect
materials at our disposal, we can say that it is not
altogether true that such organised communities did
not exist. We have just described the remains of one
such community of the Bronze Age. There is in the
S.W. of the Barony of Corco Dhuibhne, in Co. Kerry,
a large series of bee-hive huts, the abodes probably of
a fisher community of the Iron and Early Christian
Ages. There are altogether some 400 structures in
this group, which forms what can at least be described
as a village.2 The extensive mounds of Teamhair
indicate the former existence of a large and important
community there ; and the enclosure south of the
sacred ridge, called Raith Mheidbhe — a ring-wall
enclosing a space about 600 feet in diameter — is most

1 Consult W. Z. Ripley's The Races of Europe, p. 239 ff., for
particulars.

2 The whole settlement is fully described in TRIA, xxxi, p. 209 ff.

264 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

likely the site of the village where the royal servitors
dwelt. The geographer Ptolemy mentions several
Irish " towns " by name. In short, I question the
accuracy of the sweeping statement that communities
such as we may call small " towns " had no existence
in Pre-Norman Ireland, though doubtless there were
none organised on the elaborate system of the Norman
municipalities.

VI. In the great stone fortresses, such as Steidhg
in Co. Kerry, Grianan Ailich near the city of Doire,
and the famous forts of Ara, we may see the enclosing
walls of fortified villages of considerable size. But
the question must first be considered, to what period
we are to assign these imposing structures.

For the present the answer must be unsatisfactory.
We do not know. It is impossible to be certain
whether these are bronze-age or iron-age fortresses.
But on the whole they are probably to be assigned to
the more remote period, and that for the following
reasons : —

1. Mr. Westropp has reported the discovery in
Dun Aonghusa, the most important and best known
of the forts on Ara Mor, of a flint arrow-head. While
it is possible that this was accidentally in the soil, and
had no real connexion with the fort, the probability
is the other way.

2. No history whatever attaches to these structures,
and such traditions as exist assign them to the Pre-
Celtic peoples. While as transcripts of history these
traditions are not of great value, this much is certain,
that the popular voice agreed in making the forts
Pre-Celtic. Had they been built by the later people,
there would surely have been some more definite
story attached to them ; for written history began in
the Iron Age, and the general course of events in that
time is fairly well known.

I therefore describe some of these remarkable forti-
fications here, in the high probability, though we
cannot express complete certainty, that they, belong
to the Bronze Age.

Grianan Ailich. — This structure stands on the top

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 265

of a small hill on the south shore of Loch Suiligh,
just inside the Donegal side of the boundary between
Cos. Donegal and Deny. It had fallen into ruin,
but was restored — rather too completely — by Dr.
Bernard of Doire, in the seventies of the last century.
It consists of a circular enclosure, 77 feet 6 inches in
diameter, surrounded with a wall ranging in thickness
from ii ft. 6 ins. to 1 5 ft. There is a gallery in the
thickness of the wall ; and as is frequently the case,
the wall is built up in stages on its inner face, ap-
proached from below by steps. There is the ruin of
a structure of stone, containing three rooms, in the
middle of the enclosure. Outside is a succession of
three ramparts, one outside the other, forming a series
of defences.1

Aileach figures in the legendary account of the
coming to Ireland of the Milesians, the fair-haired
Celtic-speaking peoples. Somewhat unfortunately for
its credibility, the tale would have us believe that
these people came from Spain, of all places ; and that
the cause of their coming was in this wise. Their
king was Golamh, also called Mil (from whom the
Milesians received their name). Golamh had an uncle,
Ith by name, who lived in a town in Brigantia, in
Northern Spain. Ith one day ascended a tower in
Brigantia, and in the far distance saw a land over the
sea. This land was Ireland ; and if anyone should
doubt the possibility of seeing Ireland from a tower
in Spain, however high, he may be referred to the
tenth-century map of the world in the British Museum
library,2 where he will find Brigantia duly marked
in the north of a Spain that approaches nearer to
Ireland than the two sides of the Straits of Gibraltar.
Such a map must have been before the story-teller
who cast the old legend into its present literary form.

1 For a fuller description, with plans, see the Ordnance Survey
for the Parish of Templemore, p. 217 ; see also Dr. Walter Bernard,
Exploration and Restoration of the Ruin of the Grianan of Aileach,
in PRIA, xv, p. 415.

2 Class-mark Tiberius B. V. I have reproduced this map in
my Muiredach, Abbot of Monasterboice .

266 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Ith came down from his tower, and announced his
intention of going to seek the land which he had so
strangely discovered ; nor would he be turned from
his resolve though his relatives endeavoured to dis-
suade him. So he set out with his followers, and in
due time reached Ireland, then under the domination
of the Tuatha De Danann, and ruled by three kings,
Mac Cuill, Mac Cecht, and Mac Greine— three not
improbably totemic names, meaning son of " hazel,"
" ploughshare," and " sun " respectively. Ith was
courteously received by the Tuatha De Danann, and,
passing through the land, he came to the fortress
before us. It happened that the three kings were there
engaged in a dispute as to the division of the goods
of their predecessor in the kingdom. The question
was referred to Ith, who gave a judgment about the
matter which pleased all parties. But unfortunately
for himself he allowed his enthusiasm to carry him a
little too far ; for after giving his verdict he pronounced
the following words of eulogy : "Be just ; it is fitting
for you to maintain good brotherhood and to be well-
disposed each to the other. For good is the land and
the patrimony which ye inhabit. Plenteous her harvest,
her honey, her fish, her wheat, and her corn ; moderate
her heat and her cold. Within her are all things
sufficient for your wants." The Tuatha De Danann
said one to the other, that if they allowed a person
who thought so highly of Ireland to escape alive he
would bring an invasion of foreigners upon them,
with the intention of taking away their land. So they
pursued after him, and killed him. His followers
escaped and carried the grievous news to Spain ; their
friends there fitted out a punitive expedition, and
sailed for Ireland. This was the cause of the Milesian
invasion of Ireland, according to the Book of Invasions.
Another story, which has survived in the Dind-
shenchus in a rather incoherent form, ascribes the
building of Grianan Ailich to the time of The Dagda,
the chief ruler of the Tuatha De Danann. We need
not discuss the historic basis, if there be any historic
basis, of such stories as these. It is enough for us

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 267

that the historians compiled their tales in the assurance
of a Pre-Milesian origin for this building ; whether
the tale was or was not historically true does not
greatly matter. For had there been any other record,
the question would have arisen at once — how could
such and such an event have taken place in the Grianan,
when we know that it was built so much later ? And
surely, if an iron-age monarch had erected this great
fortress, some memory of the fact would have been
preserved. Distracted as we are by books, news-
papers, and every possible interruption in our complex
society, we can scarcely realise the tenacity of tradition
among a people who have nothing else to think about.
Unaided folk-memory is very long. The kings of
Uganda can enumerate from memory the names of
their ancestors and collaterals for twenty-one genera-
tions ; how many of our readers can do the same ?
Other examples of the toughness of historical tradition
might be given, did space admit ; but all that we need
here say is that if the historians, writing about the
seventh century A.D., told of a structure a story which
implied that it antedated the coming of the iron-age
people — say about 400 B.C. — we may take it that they
had good reason for their belief.

With this accords the results of excavations that
were made on the site at the time of its restoration.
A few stone objects were found, but not a scrap of
metal. On the other hand, the site was occupied
down, to the time of St. Patrick, for we read of his
blessing it ; and even after his time it was more than
once repaired.

Of Steidhg, near Waterville, Co. Kerry, we need
say no more than that it is a structure similar to
Grianan Ailich. in construction and in size. There
are no passages in the thickness of the walls. The en-
trance is remarkable for its strong double lintel ; and
the interior shews a complex arrangement of steps.1

1 A description, good though antiquated in some respects, will
be Found in TRIA, xiv, section 2, p. 17. There are good photo-
graphs in Lord Dunraven's Notes on Irish Architecture, Vol. i.

268 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

But it is on the islands of Ara that the most striking
fortifications of this kind have been preserved. I
know nothing in any country more stimulating to
the imagination than the problem which these extra-
ordinary fortresses present to the archaeologist. Huge
structures stand on those barren islands, and we
ransack tradition and history in vain for the smallest
ray of light as to their origin. We find nothing but
vague tales of Fir Bolg refugees — tales highly improb-
able, for the forts do not look like the sort of buildings
that refugees would be able to construct.

All three of the inhabited islands of Ara have such
buildings ; but here I need refer only to four on
Inis Mor. and one on Inis Meadhon.

FIG. 94 — PLAN OF DUN EOGHANACHTA

Dun Eoghanachta (fig. 94). — A simple ring- wall,
14 ft. thick, and enclosing a space 90 ft. in diameter.
The wall is built in three stages, connected by roughly

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 269

constructed flights of steps. Some of the stones are
of great size, one in the doorway being over 5 ft. long.
Inside the enclosure, opposite the entrance, there are
the foundations of three stone huts ; these are the
only constructions remaining inside the fort itself.
There is a spring of water just under the crag on which
the fort is built.

Dubh-Chathair is a weird construction on an im-
posing cliff headland, over a hundred feet high. It
is impossible by a mere description to convey an idea
of the impressive nature of the scene. The two inlets
on each side of the promontory are the fallen-down
mouths of caves, in which the sea is perpetually boom-
ing. Approaching the headland we meet with a cheval
de frise of broken stones, similar to that which we
shall find presently at Dun Aonghusa, but less com-
plex and of smaller stones. The wall is badly built,
of slabs of stone ; it is about 18 ft. high. It is not
impossible that this is the last relic of a colossal circular
structure, of which the greater part has been washed
into the sea ; but more probably it is a promontory
fort, such as I shall describe presently, and most
likely it is later than the other forts on the island.
There is a complex group of bee-hive kraals inside the
wall. There was a doorway at the western end of
the fort wall, which, however, fell into the sea in about
1830 ; at present the entrance to the fort is by a rather
alarming narrow gap between the end of the wall as
it exists, and the sheer cliff on which the fort is built.

Dun Eochla (fig. 95) is a truly magnificent struc-
ture. It stands about the middle of the island, and
consists of two rings. The inner ring is oval, measur-
ing 91 by 75 feet, and surrounded by a wall about
15 feet high and 12 feet thick. Like the walls of the
other forts it is built up in stages approached by
stairways. The entrance, which is formed of very
large stones, is between 7 and 8 feet wide. It is
noticeable that the entrances to all the forts of
Inis M6r are so turned as to command the nearest
landing-place. Inside the inner ring there is a shape-
less circular construction, probably a ruined hut. The

fc
~

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 271

outer ring is also, roughly speaking, oval, measuring
about 270 ft. north to south, and about 190 ft. east
to west, surrounded by a wall 8 or 9 feet high.

Again and again, as we stand on the wall of this
great structure, we ask ourselves who were the people
who raised it, and for what purpose ; against whom
was it necessary to defend this barren and rocky islet
with such gigantic works ? It is passing strange that
though the people of the island have been, on the
whole, isolated, living on their own memories, yet
not a breath of tradition remains to tell of the builders
of the fortress.

Dun Aonghusa (figs. 96-97) — This is the most
famous of all the forts on Inis Mor. In approaching
it we may permit ourselves to quote Mr. Westropp's
eloquent words about it : " Of all the early forts of
Ireland we may say that only one has appealed to the
imagination, and even to the affection, of the nation,
as a building, and become, with most antiquaries,
the type and symbol of the countless similar structures,
all subordinate to it in interest. At Emania and at
Tara it is the sentiment and tradition, not the remains,
that so appeal ; but at Dun Aongusa the site and the
building affect even the coolest mind as no blaze of
mythic and historic association could do. Many of
us still remember the sense of almost inaccessible
remoteness that attached to the ' Aras of the Sea.'
All who have visited the spot feel the repellant attrac-
tion of the gigantic precipice and the swirling abyss
over which the fort is so airily poised. Then there is
the pathos — no less of the legend that made it the
refuge of a doomed and hunted race, than of its own
inevitable destruction — that invested the broken grey
walls on the farthest edge of the old world."1

1 From a Study of the Fort of Dun Aengusa in Inishtnore, Aran
Isles, Galway Bay ; its Plan, Growth, and Records : in PRIA,
xxvii, sect. C, p. i. This is by far the best account of the fort.
For the other forts on the island refer to Mr. Westropp's thorough
Study of the early Forts and Stone Huts in Inishmore, Afan Isles,
Gakvay Bay : same volume, p. 174.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 273

The ancient legend about this fort is to the effect
that the Fir Bolg, routed by the invading Tuatha De
Danann at the first battle of Magh Tuireadh, fled
and took up their abode in Ara, Islay, Rachra,
and other islands of the sea. Later they returned,
being driven from their refuges by the Picts ; and
were given lands under tribute by the king of
Teamhair. But owing to the heaviness of the rent
imposed on them, they fled to the protection of
Ailill and Meadhbh, the king and queen of Con-
nachta, under the leadership of the sons of Umhor,
their chief. Ailill and his consort received them,
and settled them in various places ; Aonghus
son of Umhor was settled in Dun Aonghusa in Ara.
The other sons of Umhor likewise gave their names
to the places thus granted to them ; they are enumer-
ated by the ancient historian.1 There was a story of
the capture of Dun Aonghusa, entered in the catalogue
of romantic tales in the Book of Leinster, but this
story is one of the countless ancient Irish tales that
have been lost.

We cannot, of course, accept the tale which we
have thus briefly narrated as literal history. It is a
tradition pieced together, to a large extent artificially
constructed in order to account for the names of certain
places in the mainland and on the islands of the west.
The names were there, and no doubt the traditions
of the Fir Bolg were there, and the early mediaeval
historians, like the famous writer on Chinese Meta-
physics, " combined the information " ! It is as
though a modern story-teller, finding in Ireland a
place called Johnstown, and learning that a certain
king of England called John came to Ireland, should
assume that the town was called after the king, and
should localise in the town some story current about
the king, in order^to account for the town's name.

I incline to the belief that in the Aonghus or Oenghus
of the fort we are really to see the great hero-god of

1 See Keating's History (I.T.S. edition), vol. I, p. 200.
S

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 275

the Pre-Celtic people, of whom we shall have to speak
in the next chapter. This Oenghus was equated by
the incoming Celtic-speaking people to their Dago-
devos (Dagda) or " good god." It is at least a coin-
cidence that Grianan Ailich should be connected with
the latter god, as we have already seen ; perhaps the
Ara fort was put under the patronage of the earlier
divinity when the tradition of the actual founder was
being lost.

The fortress stands on the edge of a great cliff- wall,
rising sheer from deep water to a height of about
300 feet. It is improbable that it should have been
originally built as we see it now — a semicircle, more
or less, with the unprotected edge of the precipice
forming the straight side. There can be little doubt
that the original fort was a complete circle, and that
the erosion of the sea has reduced it to its recent
form — and will in time sweep out of existence this
wondrous monument of antiquity.

Approaching the fort we come first to the outer
wall, which in its present form is over 2,000 feet long.
It encloses a space i ,250 feet long measured along the
cliff edge, and 650 in maximum breadth at right
angles to the present line of the cliff. It is about
8 feet thick, and has but one gateway, which is nearly
perfect.

Passing this wall we come to a notable feature of
the fort, at a distance of 300 or 400 feet. This is the
abattis, or cheval de frise : a band, 30 to 80 feet wide,
of pillar stones set in wild confusion in such a way
as to prevent the fort being taken with a rush. The
stones are 3 to 5 feet in length. A similar feature is
found in Dubh-Chathair, as we have seen, and in two
other forts on the mainland ; also in one or two
ancient forts in Scotland and on the Continent. Idlers,
rolling stones over the cliff, have demolished the
cheval de frise at its ends.

Just inside the cheval de frise is a fragment of another
wall, 7 ft. 6 ins. thick and 250 ft. long. This wall Mr.
Westropp justly thinks to be an old wall of the struc-

276 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

ture, superseded by a later wall. Another fragment
remains at the eastern side. Evidently this wall was
at some time breached, and the present serpentining
middle wall erected to fill the gap. It is likely that
the present outer wall was built at the same time, for,
as Mr. Westropp notes, the cheval de frise would most
likely have been the outermost feature in the original
design, as it is at Dubh-Chathair.

The innermost citadel is surrounded with a rampart
now 12 to 13 ft. high, but in places 18 ft. high in 1839.
Like the other fort walls it is built in terraces, in this
case only two in number, approached by flights
of steps. The space enclosed is about 150 feet
long. The buttresses which were added in the
unfortunate restoration some years ago are without
ancient authority.

Dun Chonchobhair .- — This fort is also named after
one of the sons of Umhor. It is the great treasure of
Inis Meadhon ; an oval enclosure, measuring 221 ft.
in length, and 115 ft. in breadth, surrounded with a
wall 20 ft. in height, built in three stages. On the
east side of the enclosure there is an outer annexe,
with a gate-house guarding its entrance.1

" Moghane " (Muc-snamh ?) (fig. 98)— A fortress of
different type, but comparable in size to these is that
of " Moghane " in Co. Clare. This enclosure has
evidently at some time been systematically overthrown,
probably in some hostile raid. We have already re-
ferred to this fort in connexion with the great Clare
gold-find which was found close by : and it is very
likely that this was the loot from some assault on the
fortified town, for " Moghane " fort can be nothing
else.

There are three rings in the fort ; the outermost
enclosed a space of 1,500 by 1,100 ft. — the length of
its wall is 4,400 feet, somewhat larger than that of the
railing surrounding St. Stephen's Green in Dublin —

1 A plan and description of the fort will be found in JRSAI,
xxv, 267.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 277

the second 700 by 660, the third 380 by 360. There
is a ditch outside the outer wall, quarried in some
places in the solid rock. A few later huts have tieen
built here and there along the course of the wall, no
doubt out of its materials. The middle wall is about
17 feet thick, and the innermost no less than 20 to 22

*'///// IV\\^

\v

FIG. 98 — PLAN OF MUC-SNAMH FORT

feet. Nothing has ever been found within the enclo-
sure to give any clue to its history, nor is there any
written record or oral tradition to give any account
of its origin.1

1 A full account of this fort will be found in Mr. Westropp's
paper, Types of the Ring-Forts and similar Structures remaining in
Eastern Clare, in PRIA, vol. xxvii, section C, p. 218.

278 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

VII. It was said in the preceding chapter that one
of the evidences for the matriarchate in the Bronze
Age was the fact that a uniform tradition regarding the
centres of Irish royalty assigned their foundation to
women. Conversely, the existence of such a tradition
about any site affords presumptive evidence that its
foundations date to the Bronze Age. Little can,
however, be said about the mounds which cover such
a site as Teamhair ; there is nothing distinctively
Bronze Age about them, so far as can be seen. Probably
these palace sites were all re-modelled in the Iron
Age.*

VIII. The Promontory forts (of which the most
notable is perhaps Dun Beag in the Corco Dhuibhne
village, above referred to) are probably for the greater
part to be assigned to the Iron Age. All that need
here be said, therefore, is that round the coast of
Ireland, wherever a convenient headland presents
itself, the promontory has been turned into a fortress
by building a strong wall across its base. Often sub-
sidiary buildings, kraals and the like, are to be seen
on the space thus walled off.

IX. Some words must be said, in conclusion, about
the ring-forts of earth, which are the commonest and
most conspicuous of the remains of ancient Ireland.
They are scattered in tens of thousands over the whole
country ; and possibly because of their very frequency
very little indeed is known about them. Archaeolo-
gists have been recording and describing the excep-
tional objects, and these common-place structures
have been neglected : yet their very commonness gives
them a special importance, as it shews that they are
relics of the normal life of ancient days.

A large book could be written upon these structures,
enumerating their types, varieties, and probable pur-
poses. The simplest form is an unbroken ring of earth,

1 As reference to the descriptive part of my monograph, Temair
Breg (PRIA, xxxiv, C, 231), will shew, the traditions accord with
this view of the case

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 279

enclosing a circular space that may be anything from
about 15 feet in diameter up to an acre or so in extent.
Next comes a similar ring, with. a fosse running along-
side it — most commonly outside, but occasionally
inside. Thirdly we may mention a similar ring and
fosse, but with an entrance-gap, corresponding to
which there is a causeway through the fosse. Further
types are formed by multiplying the number of
mounds : some add a second, others a third vallum.
Ring-forts with more than three mounds are seldom
found ; some, however, have the appearance of this
degree of elaboration, as one of the mounds —
usually the second — is double, a sort of passage way
with a parapet on both sides running along the top.

Further complications are produced by multiplying
the number of rings — two or even three enclosures,
close together or in contact, being not infrequent.
It is, however, not always easy to determine, in such
a case, whether we have to deal with several indepen-
dent simple structures close together or with one
compound structure (the" figure-of-8 " type).

When there are two or more concentric rings
surrounding the structure it often happens that the
entrance-gaps are not opposite one another, but that
the visitor, having passed through the entrance in the
outer vallum, has to walk along the intervening fosse,
perhaps a quarter of the way round the fort, till he
reaches the gap in the inner vallum. The purpose
of this is evidently to compel him to turn his flank to
the defenders of the fortress, and so to put him at
a serious disadvantage.

The forts above described are circular rings :
usually they are so exactly circular that they must
have been laid out, by their builders, with the aid of
some mechanical contrivance ; probably a rope was
tied to a peg at the centre of the proposed fort, and
swept round as a moving radius, thus tracing the
circle. But the ring-forts are not all circular. Some
are D-shaped, with one straight side : others are
quadrilateral and more or less rectangular. It is

280 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

generally supposed that these latter forms are later
than the circular structures, but without very much
ground on which to base the speculation. That
certain of these forts are bronze-age is indicated by
the discovery of bronze spear-heads and ferules in
one (type not stated) at Hollyfort, Co. Wexford.1

It may be that certain types are characteristic of
certain areas. But until the archaeological survey of
the country is undertaken and completed it will be
impossible to determine whether this is so. If they
are ever to be studied properly — if the survey just
mentioned is ever to be carried out — the time is now
or never. Old superstitions, which have preserved
them intact till now, are dying : and while the autho-
rities look on apathetically, a soulless land-greed is
already beginning to deprive the country of these
most interesting relics.

The walls are constructed, some of earth alone,
some of earth mingled with stones : some combine
earthen with stone walls. Some are great and imposing
structures, even to-day when the weather has been
playing on them for over a thousand years : others
are insignificant.

Many of these structures have no sign of any
internal sub-division, or of enclosed buildings. But
in others we find the foundations of guard-chambers
beside the entrances, bee-hive kraals, and also sou-
terrains — underground chambers and passages, often
of considerable complexity.

The purpose of these ring-forts is probably variable.
Some are certainly not forts, but bronze-age burial
places : in the concluding chapter of this volume
we shall see one or two illustrations of this. Probably
the majority are residential : but many of them are
far from any water supply, and are so placed as to be
easily attacked by enemies. Others are very likely
simple cattle-pens. Most probably the walls were
reinforced by a cheval de frise of brushwood on the
top, to prevent the entrance of unwelcome visitors.

iJRSAI, xxi, 485.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 281

The remark just made, that the ring-forts which
seem to be residential are often placed in undesirable
military positions, applies to many of the fortified
structures in Ireland. Steidhg, for example, is situated
where no military engineer in his senses would place
a fort. It is commanded by heights out of the reach
of the defenders, but from which the attackers could
shoot missiles into the enclosure. The explanation
of this anomaly is very simple. It was not so much
human enemies as wolves which were the attackers
that had to be feared. These elaborate fortified
steadings do not tell of a time when every man's hand
was against his fellow, as some would have us believe.
They tell of a time when on the contrary communities
had to combine against this terrible destroyer of their
flocks. This is the explanation of the construction
of countless " forts " over the country which could
not have resisted the siege of a dozen hostile men
for a week.

The date probably varies as much as the plan and
construction. Enough is not known to date individual
examples. Some, however, must be quite late, as
Ogham inscriptions have been stolen by the builders
from the graves to which they properly belong, and
used (often mutilated) as building material in the
souterrains. Others may well be as old as the Bronze
Age. No excavation in these structures has ever
yielded any objects worth discovering — a few scraps
of broken pottery or the like is the most that has been
found in them.

We repeat, it would be quite hopeless to attempt,
within our limits, anything like an exhaustive treatise
on ring-forts. The subject is endless ; and it has
hardly been touched at all by Irish antiquaries.
Enough, however, will have been said to give the
reader a starting-point ; which indeed is all that we
can hope to do in any of the chapters of the present
work.

CHAPTER IX

RELIGION

I. Difficulties of the Study. II. The Materials at our Disposal.
III. The Branches of the Study of Ancient Religions. IV.
The Objects of Pre-Celtic Worship. V. The Rites of Pre-
Celtic Worship. VI. The Places and Ministers of Pre-Celtic
Worship.

I. Suppose that we were desirous of learning the
geological history of some complicated system of rocks ;
and that it was possible to procure exact diagrams of
their stratification, with a carefully selected series of
specimens from each stratum, correctly labelled and
arranged in their proper order. We might reasonably
expect that a geologist would be able to give us the
information we required, from the material which
we were thus able to put at his disposal, even though
he had no opportunity of personally visiting the site.

But now let us suppose that for some reason we
wished to obtain a second opinion on the subject : and
that in communicating with another geologist we
employed a messenger so careless or so untrustworthy
that he made the diagrams' illegible by dropping them
in mud, lost a number of the specimens, detached the
labels from the rest, affixed false labels in some cases
in their stead, and finally presented the specimens
all mixed up and disarranged. It is common sense
that Geologist No. II would be at a serious disadvan-
tage as compared with Geologist No. I, and that it
would be unreasonable to expect from him a report
so full and so accurate as that presented by his more
fortunate colleague.

The disadvantages under which Geologist No. II
labours, in this hypothetical case, are no worse than

282

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 283

those from which we ourselves suffer when we endea-
vour to reconstruct something of the religious ideas
of the men of the Stone and the Bronze Ages. The
problem before us is analogous to that which our
faithless messenger has put before him.

The study of Comparative Religion is one of the
most elusive that can occupy the attention of a scholar.
On no subject are peoples and tribes so reticent as on
their religious beliefs and practices. In no subject
is it possible to follow so many Wills-o'-the-Wisp.
It is instructive, as a warning, to look back over the
history of the interpretation of ancient religions and
mythologies during the last thirty or forty years.
One scheme after another has arisen and has fallen.
Thus, there was a time when the solar system was the
universal solvent. Everything was interpreted as a
myth of the sun, the dawn, the night, the light, the
darkness, the heavenly bodies. Was a hero born ? —
he was the rising sun. Did a hero die ? — he was the
setting sun. Did he rise from the dead ? — even this
was no difficulty for the solar mythologist : is not
the sun called back to life anew every morning ? Did
a story tell of a man with one eye ? — he was obviously
the sun. Did it, on the contrary, tell of an Argus
with a hundred eyes ? — what could he be but the sky,
twinkling with its myriad stars ! Did a heroine like
Persephone spend half her time in the gloomy under-
world, and half in the joyous world above ? — obviously
she was the dawn, which comes half way between the
darkness and the light. The great charm about the
solar myth hypothesis was that it was always right,
and never failed of an explanation. If there was a
myth that could not, however tightly one turned the
thumbscrew, be forced to recall one set of celestial
phenomena, there was quite a large selection of
alternatives, one or other of which would be sure to
fill the gap. The rainbow, the aurora borealis, or
the zodiacal light could be called in on an emergency.

This form of criticism is associated, in these islands,
with the name of its Oxford protagonist, Max Miiller.

284 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

It was applied to the traditions and mythology of
Ireland by the late Sir John Rhys, in his Hibbert
Lectures on Celtic Heathendom. That book was a
remarkable pioneer study in a field till then all but
untilled. But it carried the theory much too far. Even
a clear-cut historical character like Cormac mac Airt
was forced to become a sun-god : and this theory still
lingers among the uninstructed, who probably know
little or nothing about the many enduring contribu-
tions made by Sir John Rhys to Celtic scholarship.
Practically all such exegesis as this is now obsolete,
for the heavy guns of Mr. Andrew Lang and others
shattered the solar hypothesis : and the corn-spirit
reigned in its stead. Like the sun-myth, this also
was pushed to extremes, and regarded as a general
explanation in all difficulties. Like the sun-myth,
the corn-spirit is now finding its level : and probably
in days to come, someone will hit upon a new
scheme of interpretation which, like its predecessors,
will run its course.

This is not to say that there is not a very consider-
able element of truth, both in the solar myth hypo-
thesis and in the theory of the corn-spirit. But they
must not be forced to work overtime !

There is a third method of interpretation, which
has its place within certain limits : namely, to treat
ancient mythic tales as traditions (distorted no doubt)
of actual events. Such a simple explanation appears
in many cases eminently reasonable. But naturally
it will not serve when we get the same story told in
widely different parts of the world. The tale of the
barber of the Irish king Labraid who had horse ears,
which follows step by step the story of the barber of
the similarly afflicted king Midas, even apart from
the physical impossibilities in the narrative, could not
be so explained, simply because it is found in two
such widely separated places as Ireland and Phrygia.

II. The mere fact that there are so many different
explanations of myths and of the associated rites is
sufficient to show the difficulties with which we have

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 285

to contend in our present study. If there were any
branch of the subject of Comparative Religion that
we might have supposed to be familiar, it would surely
be the religions of ancient Greece and Rome. We
have countless literary works of all kinds, inscriptions,
temples, tombs, to tell us of them ; yet in this branch
of research there are dozens of unsolved problems.
Consider on the contrary the meagreness of the
material at our disposal in attempting to discover
something of the religious beliefs and practices of
the pagan peoples of north-western Europe. We
have a few scanty details in Caesar and other classical
writers. We have on the Continent and in Great
Britain, but not in Ireland, a number of short votive
inscriptions mentioning certain gods and goddesses,
but telling us nothing about them. We have on the
Continent some sculptured representations of certain
gods, which are valuable so far as they go, but un-
satisfying. We turn to the surviving fragments of
the native literature, and find that. they have been so
ruthlessly edited by their early redactors that we have
to work hard with a drag-net to recover any traces
of ancient paganism at all from them ; and when
found they have to be criticised with the greatest
judgment. There are no temples at our disposal ;
though there are a number of rude stone monuments,
which, enigmatical as they are, have some contribution
to make to the subject. And that is all. When we
have collected these scanty materials together, there
remains the further problem of deciding how much
is Celtic and how much Pre-Celtic. We have in fact
the same difficulty to meet as we had in deciding the
date of the ancient fortresses described in the last
chapter. In any case it is only to be expected that if
the materials for the study of Celtic religion are slender,
those from which we can get any idea of Pre-Celtic
religion must be yet more exiguous.

III. In studying ancient religions we have to con-
sider the subjects under various heads — the objects
of worship (gods, etc.) : the methods of worship

286 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

(religious rites and ceremonies) : the places of wor-
ship (temples, etc.) : the ministers of worship (priests,
druids, etc.). We cannot here give more than a sketch
of the vast subject before us, which would require a
large volume for its adequate discussion.1 In making
a selection of a few of the materials at our disposal,
we begin with the objects of worship.

IV. Let us ask ourselves first what would be the
most likely objects of worship of tribes on the level
of civilisation of the Stone and Bronze Ages, at the
time when we first make their acquaintance. An im-
portant element in their religion would be the cult of
the dead, who have entered a mysterious supernatural
state in which they have much capability for good or
for ill. Andrew Lang, in The Making of Religion, has
shewn that the mental state in which hallucinations,
wraiths, and " revenants " appear, abnormal in civi-
lised man, is less abnormal in a savage, whose life is
much less regularly ordered — where, to take one
simple and obvious instance, long fasts are often
succeeded by a heavy gorge of food, both conditions
naturally disturbing the mental balance. When we
add the ignorance of the savage as to the true scientific
nature of phenomena, which even his civilised brother
understands but imperfectly, it is easy to understand
that a cult of the dead will enter, to a great extent,
into his endeavours to propitiate the unknown and
uncomprehended powers with which he is surrounded.

Next to this we may mention the cult of animals.
Even to us an animal is a profound mystery. We
cannot make the most rudimentary guess at the nature
of the mental processes in, or the appearance of the
world to, the cat dozing on our hearthrug. Yet more
mysterious is the wild nature and its mighty forces
that surround a savage. The weird noises of animals,
their strange habits, their mysterious appearances and
disappearances, their superhuman powers in various
directions — in physical strength, in swimming, in

1 The writer may be permitted to mention that he has for some
time had such a volume in preparation.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 287

swiftness, in flight — all these invest the animal world
with a sort of divinity which we find reflected in many
religious systems.

l> Thirdly will come the great inanimate powers and
forces of nature — the wind, the .rain, the sun, the
storm, the thunder, givers now of life and now of
death. With them may be coupled the meteor, fallen
from heaven, and the heavy massive axe which the
man himself has fashioned, but whose deadly stroke
enables him to kill his enemies and to slaughter the
animals that he hunts for food. Under this heading
we may also connect the deities of fertility and vege-
tation, whose work it is to bring the harvest to its full
fruition in its due and appointed season, and, gene-
rally, to superintend the increase of crops, flocks,
herds, and Man himself.

Examples of all these classes are to be found in
Pre-Celtic tradition. Among the principal deities of
ancient Ireland one of the first and most important is
Oenghus of the Brugh. The Brugh is certainly the
great group of monuments near Droichead Atha, of
which Dubhadh, Cnoghbha, and New Grange are the
most conspicuous but by no means the only monu-
ments. The mere existence of these gigantic] burial
places proves the existence of great men of old in
whose honour they were erected. And the writer can
see no valid reason to doubt that the constant tradition
which connects New Grange with a personage called
Oenghus is founded on some ancient history, now
otherwise forgotten. In his paper on Teamhair he
has adduced reasons to believe that Oenghus was a
real historical character, who lived, probably, some
time towards the beginning of the Bronze Age : that
he was the founder of the religious rites which centred
in the kingship of Teamhair : that in his honour, and
probably under his superintendence, the structure
called New Grange was erected : that he was deified
after his death : and that the incoming Celts equated
him to a god of their own, called variously Geide or
Dagda, who was most probably a storm-god. The

288 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

argument on which these conclusions are based is
rather complicated and cannot well be condensed
here : readers may be referred to the Academy's
publication, where it will be found.1

Of the worship of Oenghus we have many traces.
In the life of the seventh century saint, Colman mac
Luachain,2 we are told that a certain king and his
jester — we should probably read " druid " (drui) for
"jester" (druth) — were travelling together on horseback
and they came to a place where their horses could not
go, so that they were obliged to tether them and proceed
on foot. The king put his horse under the protection
of St. Colman ; his companion, as a pagan, invoked
Oenghus. In the sequel the king's horse was found
safe and sound, while the jester's was stolen.

Again, readers of the tale of the Pursuit of Diarmuid
and Grdinne will recall the striking close of the story.
Diarmuid had gone to chase the great boar of Beinn
Gulban, ignorant of the geis upon him never to chase
the boar. This probably means, as we saw in a
previous chapter, that Diarmuid belonged to a
boar tribe, and should not have chased his totem
animal. He was slain : and then we read " At that
time and season it was shown to Oenghus of the Brugh
that Diarmuid was lying dead in Beinn Gulban ; and
he went there in the wind, and raised three terrible
cries of grief over the body of Diarmuid. And he
said to Grainne's people [who had come to fetch the
body] that he would not let them take Diarmuid's
body, but that he would himself bear it with him to
the Brugh : and since, he said, I cannot restore him
to life, I will put a spirit into him so that he may talk
to me every day." Diarmuid belonged, according to
tradition, to the Ernai of Mumha, certainly a Pre-
Celtic people. He belonged to the matriarchal kin
of Duibhne, whose name is found in several Ogham
inscriptions in the barony of Corco Dhuibhne. Oen-
ghus protected his own tribesman, therefore, and

1 PRIA, vol. xxxiv, sect. G, no. 10.

2 Edited by Kuno Meyer in the Todd Lecture Series of the RIA,

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 289

himself saw to the disposal of his body, not permitting
Grainne, a representative of the fair-haired Celtic
usurpers, to have anything to do with it.

Besides the important group of stories that centre
in Oenghus, we have other traces of the cult of the
dead. The great assemblies, such as those of Tailltiu,
Tlachtgha, Carman, Uisnech, and the rest, all took
place in close association with ancient cemeteries.
In the Fenian legend of the Chase of Sliabh na mBan
Finn,1 we are told that Find mac Umhaill sat to rest
on a certain assembly-mound, and his followers
grouped themselves around him. " Whose tomb is
this mound ? " asked one of the group : evidently it
was a matter of course that the recognised place of
assembly should be a tomb.

These examples must suffice for the present : and
we now turn to the second head, the worship of
animals. This follows a definite line of development.

At first the animal itself is conceived of as being
endowed with mystical powers — an idea intelligible
enough, for reasons already mentioned. But after a
while man begins to assert his domination over the
beasts. He discovers that though in certain points
some of them surpass him, yet they are on the whole
inferior to himself. The crude conception of the
sanctity of the species merges in the animal god —
some specific cow, or boar, or whatever it may be,
that has lived on the earth in past time. Such, for
instance, in the great bull of the epic of Tain Bo
Cualnge. In time this animal deity becomes identified
with an anthromorphic god. Thus the Bull of
Cualgne was identified with the swineherd of Bodhbh,
King of the Sidhe of Mumha. Even in classical
Attica tales were told of how Zeus for purposes of his
own took on occasion the form of various animals.
Doubtless these stories were originally told of animal
gods, afterwards identified with Zeus. Our own
nursery tales of Puss in Boots, and Beauty and the

1 Published in Kuno Meyer's Fiannuigecht (Todd Lecture Series).
T

290 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Beast, in which a prince appears in animal form, are
worn-down extracts from mythologies of the same
kind.

The Bull of Cuailnge : the Boar of Beinn Gulban :
the Black Pig that is said to have scooped out the dyke
which still remains to mark the southern limits of
Ulaidh, and which has not yet entered the limbo of
dead gods, as a recent ebullition of popular excitement
has shown : all these are certainly extremely ancient
animal gods. Probably " Irusan mac Arusain," king
of the cats, of whom there is a grotesque description
in the rollicking satire on the bards called Imtheacht
na Tromdhaimhe, is a parody of some cat divinity.
We have some evidence for cat worship in that singu-
larly interesting biographical dictionary, as we may
call it, known as Coir Anmann. This compilation tells
us that Cairbre Cat-head, who led the revolt of the
serfs, that is, the enslaved aborigines, in A.D. 9 (accor-
ding to the chronology of the Four Masters) was so
called " because his god had the shape of a cat."
Clearly that is no reason for such a name, and it could
not have been invented as a reason. It must have been
in existence as a separate story about Cairbre, and
have been adapted by the writer of the treatise. It
does not necessarily prove that the aboriginal inhabi-
tants worshipped cats, but it does suggest that their
Celtic masters asserted that they did so.

Of the worship of the powers of nature, the agri-
cultural and pastoral deities, we have the clearest
evidence in the periodical assemblies, which were
not impossibly of Pre-Celtic origin. They took place,
as a rule, at or near cemeteries, and were thus bound
up with a cult of the dead : but the fact of their inci-
dence on the critical days of the year proves that they
were also connected with the annual phenomena of
seasonal change. The assembly of Uisnech celebrated
Beltane, the first of May, the beginning of summer.
The assembly of Tailltiu celebrated Lughnasadh, the
first of August, the beginning of Autumn. The assem-
bly of Tlachtgha and that of Teamhair celebrated

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 291

Samhain, the first of November, the beginning of
winter — the season of the death of the corn-spirit.
There is evidence (which will be found set forth at
length in the author's paper on Teamhair, already
referred to) that the re-birth of the corn-spirit was
also celebrated at Teamhair, with a feast at or about
25th March.

The frequent traces found, in ancient legend and
in modern custom, of well- worship and spring- wor-
ship, most probably have their roots in the Pre-Celtic
period : though doubtless there are imported Celtic
accretions which it would be difficult now to dis-
entangle. And especially is it probable that river-
worship was an essential element of Pre-Celtic religion,
but not so distinctively (except as a matter of survival)
of the religion of the succeeding Celtic-speaking
people. This is indicated by certain remarkable facts
in the nomenclature of rivers in Ireland. These are
of three types : A, Commonplace descriptive names,
such as Abhann mhor, Abhann dubh, and the like —
" the great river," " the black river," etc. B, Names
derived from the towns by which the river flows :
" the Boyle River," " the Galway River," " the Gort
River," etc. C, Names entirely inexplicable. Group
C are the oldest, and are most probably relics of the
Pre-Celtic speech ; very likely originally the names of
the deities of the rivers. Groups A and B denote
rivers originally nameless, or of which the name was
too ill-omened to utter. Where we have groups of
nameless rivers, called merely after the neighbouring
towns (as seems to be the case in S.W. Galway), we
probably have the seat of a tribe which did not pay
special religious homage to the rivers.

Before leaving this part of the subject, another
important deity must be mentioned — the reigning
chieftain or king. There is complete evidence (for
which, again, reference may be made to the author's
paper on Teamhair) that the reigning monarch was
looked upon as an incarnation of a corn-deity. His
presence among his people secured for them the boon

292 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

of good crops : his unworthiness caused pestilences
and famines. His life was in consequence hedged
round with many geasa, to safeguard his divinity.
He had to be the strongest and most vigilant man in
the community : not only was a person suffering from
a physical blemish incapable of reigning, but if anyone
could kill the reigning monarch he ipso facto proved
himself more worthy to be a god upon the earth and
reigned in his stead. Similar rites are reported from
Italy (the Rex Nemorensis of Aricia), Central Africa,
and many other places. The facts upon which these
deductions are founded are reported of the Celtic
period, but there can be little doubt that the system
is of Pre-Celtic origin.

V. We now turn to the rites with which these powers
were worshipped and propitiated. These were in
part magical : and here we touch upon a problem
which has been much debated within recent years and
which has been answered in different ways : namely,
whether magic or religion1 had the priority in develop-
ment. There are some who would give the priority
entirely to magic. There is a drought, let us say, and
the savage wants rain to fall, to water the earth. He
therefore performs some rite, such as pouring water
upon the ground — which is supposed in some way to
produce sympathetically the effect required. It is of
the same order of ideas as the well-known method of
injuring an enemy by maltreating an image of the
person in various ways. In time (on this theory) a
rite of the kind becomes periodic : the original purpose
for which it is performed is forgotten, and a tale is
told to account for it. Gods emerge from the dramatis
personee of the tale. The other theory is that the action
of the savages is really an acted prayer. " Give us
rain," he says, in effect, as he pours the water on the
ground : " this is what we want." It is an object-

1 It is hardly necessary to say that in speaking of " religion "
here, we refer only to natural religion, as opposed to the religion
taught by an inspired Teacher.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 293

lesson, so to speak, for the supernatural Powers. For
various reasons, which it would take too long to set
forth in this place, the second seems to me the more
satisfactory theory of the two.

We can give a selection only from the material that
a careful search through the literature provides us
with, for determining the rites by which these deities
were worshipped. I begin with some observations
on the well-known story of St. Patrick and Cromm
Cruaich. This appears at first sight to be a story of
Celtic religious worship, and therefore outside our
present subject. But it is quite clear that the Celtic
incomers took over much from the religion of their
Pre-Celtic predecessors. It was natural that they
should do so ; for the aborigines presumably would
know how the gods of the land should be worshipped :
we have already, in a previous chapter, spoken of the
awe with which people would in pagan times enter a
strange country before they discovered how its
spiritual inhabitants should be propitiated.

St. Patrick, we are told, came in his peregrinations
to Magh Sleacht, a place of uncertain identification,
but said to be in Co. Cavan. There was there " the
king idol of Ireland," called Cromm Cruaich : and
he was of gold, surrounded by twelve subordinate
deities of stone.

Obviously this is the description of a monument
of the class known as Stone Circles. And in the
Stone Circles I see, primarily, the representations
or abodes of groups of bronze-age divinities. These
monuments, of which a large number still remain in
Ireland, are almost always planned on the model of
the circle of Cromm Cruaich as thus described — a
circle of stones with one outstanding stone outside ;
rarely inside. The outstanding stone is often of
commanding size, as in the circle figured (fig. 99) from
Muisire Beag, Co. Cork. Another good example is the
circle at Hollywood, Co. Wicklow (fig. 100) — a short
distance south of Poll a' Phuca waterfall. It consists
of a circle of blocks of granite, with a single pillar

294 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

standing outside, which someone has tried to conse-
crate by cutting a large cross upon it. The circle
stands in a field called Achadh Greine, " sun-field " ;

FIG. 99 — STONE CIRCLE, MUISIRE BEAG

and it bears the name " The Piper's Stones," because,
it is said, these stones were once men, who in punish-
ment for having taken part in some profane dance were

FIG. 100 — THE HOLLYWOOD CIRCLE

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 295

turned into stone — the stone outside the ring is iden-
tified with the piper. To all these points we shall
return presently.

In the Dindsheanchus of Magh Sleacht we have an
ancient Irish poem, about 1,000 years old, which
describes Cromm Cruaich, and also describes the rites
that took place around it. As it is of some importance
we may give here a rough version of it, in some approxi-
mation to the metre of the original :l

Here used to soar
A lofty idol, without peace :
Cromm Cruaich was the name it bore,
It caused all quietness to cease.

Alas the tale !

They prayed to it, with tribute sad,
They, the brave people of the Gaedhil —
To make them, in this hard world, glad.

Their god was he —

That Cromm all misty, withered, wan —
Those whom he ruled so fearfully
Are dead — and whither have they gone ?

To him — oh shame !
Their children, piteous babes, they slew,
Their blood they poured out in his name,
With wailing cries, and tears, and rue.

For milk, for corn,
For increase of their crops, in fear,
They offered him, those parents lorn,
One-third of all their children dear.

The noble Gaedhil
In prostrate awe before him came :
With murderous rites — so runs the tale —
From which Magh Sleacht received its name.

From Teamhair came,
One Samhain day, with royal show
A prince — King Tighearnmhas was his name —
His coming was a cause of woe !

1 The Irish text with a literal translation will be found in Meyer
and Nutt, The Voyage of Bran, vol. ii, p. 301, ff.

296 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

There they transgressed,
They beat their hands, their bodies rent,
To serve the demon they addressed
As god ; and showers of tears they spent.

That mighty host

Those strong unhappy warriors, died
Around their king : their lives they lost
In worship luckless, without pride.

For, it is said

No one escaped, save just one-fourth,
The rest they left all lying dead
Round Tighearnmhas, ravager of the north.

Thus, to that god

The hosts prostrated in their shame,
And yet around the blood-stained sod
The plain still keeps its ancient name.

Stone idols old

Ranked round Cromm Cruaich, four times three,
They were of stone, but he of gold,
The hosts deceiving bitterly.

From Eremon

The gracious founder of our race,
Till Patrick came, they served a stone,
And worshipped it within that place.

With heavy maul

He smashed the paltry gods each one,
With valorous blows destroyed them all,
Nor left a fragment 'neath the sun.

This important poem tells us (i) that there was in
the place named an idol called Cromm Cruaich ; (2)
that it had twelve subordinate gods around it ; (3) that
it was worshipped with rites which involved prostra-
tions, self -mutilations, and human sacrifices, especially
the sacrifice of children ; (4) that at least one king,
Tighearnmhas, had been sacrificed there ; (5) that
the purpose of the rites was to secure goodness of
crops ; (6) that St. Patrick destroyed the whole group
with a maul or sledge-hammer. The stories about
St. Patrick vary slightly in the details of the destruction

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 297

of the monument, but that is beside the present point.
For our immediate purpose the first five of the above
statements are those which are relevant. That Cromm
was of gold probably means that his stone figure was
specially adorned with gilding. There are other cases
of the outside stone of a circle-group being conspi-
cuously decorated : a good example is the well-known
group called Long Meg and her Daughters, near Penrith
in Cumberland. That no gilded example remains is
not surprising. Much weight must be attached to
such traditions as those enshrined in this ancient poem.
The young people who are now growing up, in an
Ireland that has been revolutionised by the news-
paper, the schoolmaster, and the returned American,
can have but little conception of the Ireland which I
remember as a boy, when the fairies were as real as
the cattle in the fields : and even the Ireland of my
recollections had already lost traditions that were still
living in the generation before. In fact, none of us
can have any real idea of the wealth of ancient tradition
that must have been in the country, and that must
have perished, neglected and unrecorded, in the black
years of the Famine, and of the subsequent clearances.
And when we go back a thousand years or so, to a
country divided into a large number of small commu-
nities, undisturbed by English interference, and living
on their memories, it is not difficult to believe that
much of the then only recently extinguished paganism
must still have been very clearly remembered. People
have wasted gallons of ink and reams of paper trying
to wriggle out of the evidence which this poem affords
of the practice of human sacrifice in Ireland. Such
spurious patriotism is merely silly. There is not a
country in the world where human sacrifices have not
been offered at some time. If our ancestors two
thousand years ago indulged in the practice, we may
regret it : but as we cannot undo the past, let us do
the next best thing, and feel grateful to them for
giving us such an interesting subject for scientific
investigation : for if the men of remote ages are not

298 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

materials for scientific dissection, so to speak, of what
use are they at all ?

So we may be quite certain that sacrifices, both
animal and human, formed a part of the ancient
religious rites in this as in other countries. And
another part of the rites was certainly dancing : and
here we see the meaning of the tradition above referred
to, that the stones in a circle had once been dancers,
who were turned into stone for dancing a profane,
that is, a pagan dance. A recollection of the use of
these monuments is certainly enshrined in this legend.

It is by no means an isolated case at Hollywood.
The mediaeval story-teller, Geoffrey of Monmouth,
calls Stonehenge Chorea Gigantum, the " giant's
dance." A like name (Dawns-maen, " the dance-
stone ") was used in Cornwall to denote similar
monuments : and the tale of the dancers of Hollywood
is told in connexion with other stone circles as well.
A dance in the field of the sun ; nothing can be more
obviously a recollection of the religious rites which
these hoary stones used to witness on occasion long
ago. The rite is by no means confined to Ireland :
indeed in this as in other things Ireland simply shares
in one universal European cult, that can be traced
across the Continent right over to the Labyrinth of
Crete. That structure, the palace- temple of the solar
bull (the Minotaur) is bound by close and subtle ties
of relationship with the stone circles that dot our
fields.

The dance was most probably a circling procession
advancing in a sun- wise direction, i.e., walking,
running, or leaping in a circular path, keeping the
right hand towards the centre of the circle. There
was at Teamhair a stone circle — it has now dis-
appeared— called the Deisiol ; and the Dindsheanchus
of Teamhair speaks of it as "a sward with luck
before going to death, where men used to turn
right-hand-wise " : which probably means that some
sort of circling procession was made there in
'order to induce the Powers to give success in battle.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 299

Primarily the purpose of such circling processions was
magical : it was intended to keep the sun in his
appointed course. But doubtless the rite took to
itself other ideas and other accretions as time went on —
the usual fate of ancient rites, which is what makes
Comparative Religion such an extremely complex
subject of study. On Inis Mhuirecmaigh, an island that
beyond all possibility of question was an ancient
pagan sanctuary before it became the site of a Christian
monastery, there is an altar called Clocha breaca,
" the speckled stones." If you have an enemy whom
you desire to injure, you go to this altar, and taking
up one of the stones you walk round it left-hand -wise
— a direction contrary to the lucky sun-wise direction :
pronouncing the while the curse which you desire
should fall upon your foe. Then, if the powers of
evil, whatever they may be, who control these matters,
consider that your curse is justified, it will fall on the
enemy : if not, it will return on yourself — a salutary
provision against the misuse of this powerful engine
of destruction.

There is also some reason to believe that the dancers
had a very remarkable accompaniment — the noise of
the bull-roarer. The bull-roarer is an instrument of
the greatest possible interest. It consists simply of
a small lath of wood, tied at the end of a string. When
the string is whirled round, the lath produces a
peculiar fluttering sound, not quite like anything else :
if the reader who has not heard it can imagine a rather
noisy ventilating-fan which, however, is not steady
in the sound it produces, but wavering, now loud,
now soft, he will have a vague idea of what a bull-
roarer sounds like.

The bull-roarer is an important instrument in the
rites of the Australian aborigines. It is used to
summon the tribesmen, and to scare off those not
initiated into the tribal mysteries — especially the
women : for it is believed that if a woman so much
as sees a bull-roarer she will die. It is also used in
primitive rites in America. It has been found

300 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

surviving in some ancient Greek rites : and in the
ancient Irish corroborees — the feisanna and aonaighe —
the use of the bull-roarer has quite recently been
identified. There is good reason to believe that the
mysterious scream of the Stone of Fal, the inaugura-
tion stone of the Kings of Teamhair, was produced
by means of this wide-spread instrument. In ancient
Ireland, as among the modern Australian black-
fellows, the voice of the bull-roarer (called in Irish
Roth Ramhach or •" paddle-wheel ") was the voice of
a god.1

To return for a moment to the story of St. Patrick
and Cromm Cruaich, we should notice that outside
this story and a few other traditions which depend
upon it, there is no evidence for the existence of an
ancient god Cromm or Crom. The name is probably
a nickname, given to the god in the early days of the
struggle between Paganism and Christianity, by the
adherents of the rival faith. We should also notice
that the stone circle described in this narrative is less
a dancing place than a representation of the dance
itself. The chief god (whatever his real name may
have been) stands in the middle, or in front, of the
group : the " sub-gods " are circling round him in
an eternal procession. The stones are gods, or rather
the representatives or receptacles of godhead. A
remarkable group of stone circles surrounds the
probably sacred lake, Loch Gair in Co. Limerick.2

Still commoner than stone circles are single standing
stones, some of them of small size but others as much
as 17 to 20 feet in height (even taller standing stones
exist in other countries). These probably served a
variety of purposes, and belong to very different
chronological periods. Some may be landmarks,

1 The whole subject is fully discussed in the author's paper on
Teamhair, referred to above.

2 See Sir Bertram Windle's paper on this site, PRIA, xxx,
sect. C, p. 283. Though I would not personally subscribe to the
astronomical theories put forward in this paper, I have carefully
tested it, and found that as a survey it is perfectly accurate.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 301

or possibly memorials of noteworthy events. Others
certainly are grave-marks : but references in the
Brehon Law tracts1 to Ailche Adhartha, " stones of
adoration," evidently referring to monuments of this
kind, shews that when these documents were compiled

FIG. 1 01 — STANDING STONE

there was still a tradition that they had received
worship — were, in fact, a kind of rude idol.

Even when the standing stones marked graves,
they are to be taken as religious rather than merely

1 Vol. iv, p. 142 ; v, p. 472.

302 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

memorial in essence. They are far more than mere
gravestones : they are the receptacle provided for the
life of the dead man, the medium through which
offerings and honours are paid to his spirit. They
are thus tangible memorials of the cult of the dead
of which we have just spoken.

The majority of these standing stones are simply
rude blocks set on end, shewing no mark or sign of
having been dressed by a mason. The illustration
(fig. 101) represents a good typical example, not ex-
ceptionally tall, at Greencastle, Co. Tyrone. Often
such stones are found to have crosses cut upon them.

FIG. 102 — " STATUE-MENHIR " AT CLOCHAR
(From a photograph by Mr. M. C. Burkitt)

These are to be explained as the work of Christians,
who still preserved enough of the Paganism from
which they had been rescued to have a superstitious
dread of destroying these monuments, but anxious to
take the harm of its paganism out of it.

A few stones, however, appear to have been so
treated as to suggest the human figure that they were
designed to represent. We have already (ante p. 230)
figured such a stone, at Cuan an Bhainbh. At Fan-
achaidh, west of Castletown in Co. Cork, there is a

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 303

standing stone (one of a row of three, one of which
has fallen) which certainly seems to have been
trimmed into the rude semblance of a human figure.
Naturally such stones — statues-menhirs, to adopt a
convenient French term — would be most likely to
be destroyed on a change of religion, and therefore
it is not surprising that very few monuments of the
kind are now to be seen in the country. But the
tradition of the statue-menhir type of monument
lived on till the introduction of Christianity, as is
shewn by a most remarkable monument in the cathe-
dral churchyard of Clochar. This is doubtless a

FIG. 103 — ALIGNMENT

Christian memorial, but it is clear that it has been
cut into a shape suggestive of the human figure.

There is another kind of megalithic monument
which has to do, most probably, with bronze-age
religion. This is the alignment (fig. 103). It con-
sists of a row of stones set out in a straight line.
There may be a single row, or a group of parallel
rows. The stones need not be of large size, though
some alignments are very imposing on account of the
loftiness of the pillars of which they are formed.

304 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

There is nothing in Ireland comparable with the great
series of alignments at Carnac in Brittany, where over
a thousand pillar-stones are used : but some are of
quite respectable dimensions. Wakeman describes
a group of four parallel alignments in Co. Fermanagh
(at Cabhan Ceathramhadha), consisting of stones
about 3 ft. in height and extending over a length of
480 feet.1 The example here figured (at Barr an Chor-
rain, Co. Cork) though three out of the five stones have
fallen, is impressive, owing to the great size of the
stones (fig. 103).

In considering megalithic monuments of any kind,
it must never be forgotten that what we see may be
nothing but the skeleton of the original structure.
There may have been mud, wicker-work, or wooden
additions which were an essential element in their
ritual use. These we have no data whatever to restore :
yet it often appears as though there must have been
such additions. At Kilmartin near Lochgilphead,
Argyllshire — once more we remind the reader that
Ireland and S.W. Scotland form one archaeological
province, and that we cannot think of the one apart
from the other — there is a remarkable series of
stones the arrangement of which may be represented
diagramatically thus : —

: A . B

B is a large flat upright flagstone covered with cups
and circles. There are a number of smaller stones
at its foot, here omitted, which probably have a ritual
use. The length between A and C is about 230 feet,
B being almost in the middle of the line. The two
groups of two stones become intelligible when we
consider them as the gate-posts of the entrance to a
sacred enclosure, which was marked out in this case

1 JRSAI, xiv, 501.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 305

with a wooden palisade, in the centre of which stood
the evidently sacred stone B.1 Some reminiscence
of just such a monument may linger in the name Gates
of Glory, locally applied to a pair of standing stones
close together in a field a little distance west of Dain-
gean Ui Cuis, Co. Kerry. Behind these, there is a
large stone now prostrate, which, like the stone B in
the diagram above, is covered with a cup-and-circle
pattern. We may without in the least transgressing
the bounds of reason, regard these three stones as

FIG. 104 — VIEW OF LEAC CON MIC Ruis

the sole relics of an elaborate temple enclosure of
wood. There are other standing stones in the neigh-
bourhood which may or may not belong to the same
system.2

But the most remarkable stone monument which
the Pre-Celtic age has left us is undoubtedly the
temple — for it can hardly be anything else — called
Leac Con mic Ruisy picturesquely situated in the

1 For further particulars about this monument see the Proceedings
of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, vol. xvi, p. no.

2 For the " Gates of Glory" see JRSAI, xxviii, 161.
U

306 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Deerpark near the town of Sligo. Other megalithic
monuments, of less importance, stand by : and there
is good reason to fear that others, again, have gone to
make the high wall surrounding the Deerpark. The
monument consists of a central area, 50 ft. long and
25 ft. broad, marked out with stones about 4 ft. high.
At one end is a trilithon (two stones supporting a
third laid upon them lintel-wise), which forms a
doorway leading into a subsidiary chamber about
20 ft. long. The lintel of this trilithon has fallen or

FIG. io4A — VIEW OF LEAC CON MIC Ruis

been pushed off its supports in recent years. At the
opposite end are two trilithons leading into two similar
chambers. The length of the whole chamber is close
upon 100 ft., and it stands on a bank about 114 ft.
long. It is possibly fanciful, but not unworthy of
note, that the plan of the structure is not unlike a
human body, the single chamber at the one end re-
presenting the head, the two chambers at the other
the legs. Excavations have been made inside this

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 307

structure and have revealed human and animal bones,
with some scraps of flint but no metals.1

Of the ministers of Pre-Celtic religion we can say
nothing. It has been suggested that the whole druidic
system is of Pre-Celtic origin : but while the possibility
of this is not to be denied, there is no conclusive

•**

FicTio5 — PLAN OF LEAC CON MIC Ruis

evidence for it. The Druids are so closely bound up
with Celtic religion that it is better to postpone any-
thing we may have to say about them to our later
studies in the archaeological history of Celtic Ireland.

1 JRSAI, xxi, 578. There is a good account of this structure
by E. T. Hardman in JRSAI, xv, 57, entitled On a remarkable
Meqalithic Monument near Sligo.

CHAPTER X

THE DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD

I. This Subject a Branch of Religion. II. Primitive Man and
Death. III. Grave-goods. IV. Food-deposits. V. Burial for
the Benefit of the Living. VI. Methods of Disposal of the
Dead. VII. Cannibalism. VIII. Burial during the Stone Age :
the Shore-dwellers. IX. The Middle of the Stone Age. X.
The Dolmen-builders and their Constructions. XI. The
Bronze Age : Cremation and its Significance. XII. Burial
Ritual of the Bronze Age in Ireland. XIII. Earth Burials.
XIV. Cave Burials.

I. The subject of the disposal of the dead naturally
follows that of religion. Indeed, it is rather to be
considered as an intrinsic and very important part of
that section of our study. Much of the ancient religion
is founded on the cult of the dead : and the tendency
of modern scholarship is perhaps rather to increase
than to diminish the number of elements in religion
and in mythology attributable to this source.

II. At a very early stage in his development man
revolts against the inevitable decree of death. It takes
him altogether by surprise. He cannot believe in its
universality : there are even yet many tribes of nature-
folk which regard death as an abnormal accident,
caused by some maleficent power acting on the victim ;
were it not for witchcraft a man would live for ever.
And when a man dies it becomes the duty of the
witch-doctors to smell out the hostile magician who
has caused his death. With this revolt against the
law of nature, to which there is nothing analogous, so
far as we can know, in the animal world, there grows
up the conviction that death is not the end of all
things, but the door to another life. There is probably
no race or tribe, ancient or modern, not inspired with

308

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 309

this belief to a greater or less extent. It appears as
early as the epoch of the mammoth, in the middle of
the Early Stone Age — not improbably even earlier ;
and it exists among the most primitive savages known
to modern science.

III. We can tell something about the views of a
future life held by a people, from the deposits which
they leave in the graves of their dead. In his new
life the hunter will need his weapons and his war-paint,
the woman her domestic implements and her orna-
ments ; so these are placed beside their bodies in
their last resting-place. There would be no sense or
meaning in such deposits if no belief in a future life
were entertained ; for the practically-minded savage
is quite awake to the folly of recklessly wasting desir-
able goods. To serve a great chief, his wives and his
slaves and his horses are slaughtered around his tomb,
that their spirits may minister in the new life to his.
Indeed, this killing of the deposit is not confined to
animate gifts. For the line of demarcation between
the animate and the inanimate is not so sharply drawn
by the savage as it is by ourselves. The flying bird
and the falling stone are both in motion, and therefore
are both alive. The heavy axe kills enemies and
animals with its deadly blows, therefore it is endowed
with a mysterious vitality. It follows that as the living
slaves and wives can be slaughtered in order to send
their spirits after their lord, so the spirits of things
that we call lifeless may be liberated for the same
purpose. This is the explanation of the fact that such
goods are so frequently smashed in pieces before being
deposited in the tombs.

IV. Food is an important deposit in burials. The
purpose which it serves may be variously explained.
It may simply have been argued that the ghost needed
sustenance, as the man whose body it had tenanted
in life had needed it. But there is not improbably
another and a more subtle reason for such deposits.
There is a well-known incident in folk-tales — we find
it in Ireland ; it is, indeed, universal — in which the

3io IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

hero is brought to a mysterious place such as a fairy
palace, and is forbidden by some one who befriends
him to partake of the food set before him ; should
he take the smallest particle he will never be able to
escape. The notion underlying this incident is that
latent in the old law of hospitality. When you break
bread with another you are, as it were, one with him ;
you make with him a binding covenant for mutual aid
and protection. When you break bread with the
fairies, or with the ghosts of the dead, or with super-
natural companions, you are in like manner one with
them. Readers of the Odyssey will recollect the same
idea acting in the converse direction ; Odysseus, in
his visit to the shades, cannot converse with them, or
even make them aware of his presence, till he has
given them a draught of earthly blood. And if you
do not want your friend who has gone to join the dead
to remain with them perpetually, you must supply him
with earthly food. Peradventure he will taste of it
and be recalled to earth again by it : if he be allowed
to go hungry among the shades he may taste of their
food, and so be obliged to stay in their gloomy land
for ever.1

V. It must further be remembered that burial, and
burial rites, are not only for the benefit of the dead.
The living also profit by them. For the ghost of the
dead man is a source of danger. It is important to
keep it from wandering and annoying the living ; and
some form of burial rite is necessary for this purpose.
Even if the body cannot be procured, for any reason —
as for instance because the deceased had been drowned,
or devoured by beasts, or had perished among
enemies — a semblance of burial must be given him.
Cenotaphs — earns of stone, well built, but absolutely
void of any contents — have been found in the ceme-
teries of Ceathramhadh Caol, in Co. Sligo, and at

1 See Mr. E. S. Hartland's paper, Fairy Births and Human Mid-
wives in " The Archaeological Review," vol. iv, esp. pp. 330-336.
[Reprinted in his Science of Fairy Tales.]

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 311

Loch Craoibhe in Meath. Another good example of
a cenotaph was the carefully built earn known as " the
Miracles " (a mistranslation of Fearta, " graves ") at
Tulach Craoibhe, some five miles from Inis Ceithlinn,
This structure was well and carefully built, of large
stones, but nothing was found within it except one
boulder bearing bronze-age ornamental carving,
used, however, merely as building material, its in-
scribed surface being turned downward. Such careless
treatment of a bronze-age stone with symbolism, which
probably had some sanctity at the time when it was
made, may perhaps indicate that the monument
belongs to the Iron Age.1

VI. The chief methods of the disposal of the dead,
practised in Western Europe, are inhumation and
incineration. There are others practised in other
countries — mummification in various forms, exposure
to carnivorous animals or birds, etc. — but these fall
entirely outside our present study. There is, however,
one other method, and, as some writers have attributed
it to ancient Ireland, we may as well clear it out of
the way at once.

VII. Strabo2 tells us that among other customs
which the Irish had, and which he evidently regarded
as highly shocking, was that of eating their deceased
fathers. Apologists have tried to console themselves
by calling Strabo a liar, and certainly that eminent
geographer was not wholly guiltless of regrettable
mistakes : he admits candidly that his authority for
the statement here quoted is doubtful. But as in the
case of the irregular marriages to which we alluded in
a previous chapter, this easy way of evading the
difficulty is more discreditable to the apologists than
to the ancient author whom they criticise. The
practice to which Strabo refers certainly exists else-

1 T. Plunkett, Account of the Exploration of a long barrow in the
Co. Fermanagh. PRIA, xv, 323. A similar stone, similarly treated,
was found built into a ring-fort at Cluain Dubh, near Hilltown,
Co. Down. UJA II, iv, 188.

2 Bk. IV, chap, v, Section 5.

312 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

where, among tribes of which he could have had no
knowledge ; and there is no reason in the world why
it should not at some time or other have existed in
Ireland.

National pride need not be seriously perturbed by
making such an admission. For, rightly viewed,
this custom, crude and repulsive to our sensibilities
as it undoubtedly is, is yet not without its element of
pathos and even of beauty. Consider what is at the
basis of the general practice of cannibalism. It doubt-
less often has no end but the mere satisfaction of
appetite ; but in many cases its meaning is much more
subtle. A man sees that another has some desirable
characteristic — bravery, skill in one direction or
another, or what-not — which he himself lacks, but
desires. By assimilating, in the most literal sense of
the word, the fortunate possessor of the coveted
quality, he hopes to acquire his talents. And so the
son says of his dead father : " Let him pass into my
personality ; let the being who till now I have been
calling * I ' be henceforth ' he ' ; let my life be his ;
only let him live again." It is an endeavour to force
from the mystery surrounding nature an answer to the
question, asked at every grave-side since man began
to realise that he is not as the beasts that perish — If
a man die, shall he live again ?

That this custom lasted in Ireland down to the
time when Strabo wrote is not probable ; but there
is no evidence one way or the other. Even if it did
persist so long, it is only another indication of the
fact which Caesar proves clearly, that different grades
of civilisation co-existed in different parts of these
islands. That the aborigines of Ireland should have
retained to a late date some of their primitive customs,
customs that had come down from the Stone Age,
is not at all impossible.

VIII. The normal method of disposing of the body
during the Stone Age was by burial. As a rule, in
accordance with a wide-spread custom, the body was
placed lying on its side, in a crouching attitude — the

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 313

knees being drawn up so as to touch, or almost touch,
the chin.

Only a very few stone-age sepulchres have been
properly investigated in this country, and no very
satisfactory reports of their examination have been
published. In the neighbourhood of Baile an Bhoi-
neannaigh, in Co. Kerry, was found a series of seventeen
graves, apparently connected with a settlement that
had left a deposit of implements and shells on the
adjacent beach. Two or three only of these graves
were properly examined. They were simply marked
out and bordered with stones set on edge, enclosing
a space averaging about 6 ft. by 2 ft. In this case the
skeletons were not, as usual, crouched, but stretched
at length. Nothing of the nature of coffins had been
used. There was no sign of any violence on the skulls,
which were of both males and females. No trace of
implements, metal or flint, or pottery of any descrip-
tion was found in any of these graves. The grave-
goods of the shore-dwellers, so far as the materials
available permit us to judge, are of the scantiest
description.1 Indeed this is the rule in all periods of
Irish history ; the grave furniture is seldom if ever
intrinsically worth the trouble and expense of searching
for it.

IX. The well-known mound of Cnoc Maraidhe, in
Phoenix Park, levelled in May 1838, is a good typical
example of a stone-age burial. The mound contained
a chamber, consisting of five supporting stones about
2 ft. high and a covering table-stone 6 ft. 6 ins. long.
This chamber contained the remains of three human
beings ; the first two were perfectly preserved, but
only the tops of the thigh bones or" the third were
preserved. It is probable that the latter were amulets,
worn by the two people to whom the grave really
belonged. The bodies were slightly crouched, ami
the heads pointed north — the latter, however, does
not seem to be a point of great significance, as the

1 See Archdeacon Wynne's note, Traces of Ancient Dwellings in
the Sandhills of West Kerry, JRSAI, xxiii, p. 78

314 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTlC TIMES

orientation of such skeletons as have been observed
in Stone-age tombs in Ireland seems to be a matter
of complete indifference. These people had also worn
necklaces of Nerita shells, which had been rubbed
down on the valve to make a hole for threading. A
vegetable fibre was used as the thread, and the shells
were threaded ingeniously upon it. There was also
a small fibula of bone and a knife and arrow-head
of flint.

FIG 1 06 — OBJECTS FROM THE SEPULCHRAL CHAMBER AT
CNOC MARAIDHE

In addition to the central chamber there were four
small cists embedded in the mound, each containing
an urn in which were the ashes of burnt bodies.
These latter are doubtless what are technically known
as secondary interments — an adaptation of an earlier
burial mound as a convenient place for disposing of
a later burial. The urns, and the rite of burning,
are sufficient to date these intrusive interments to the
Bronze Age.

The skulls and grave-goods found in this mound
are to be seen in the Royal Irish Academy's collection
in the National Museum.1

, i, 1 86 ff.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 315

This example will show the nature of the graves of
the middle period of the Stone Age in Ireland — the
period intervening between the earliest shore-dwellers
and the dolmen-builders, of whom we have still to
speak. We may see the bodies stretched or crouched,
deposited within a chamber made of slabs of stone,
and covered with an earth mound, of moderate dimen-
sions. In Great Britain the stone-age burial mound,
at least in certain districts, is of an oval plan, contrasting
with the circular plan of the bronze-age burial mound.
This rule, though not invariable, is useful to- enable
us to form a fair anticipation of what to expect when
we begin to excavate a tumulus. But the distinction
of " Long Barrows " and " Round Barrows " fails
us altogether in Ireland. There are no true Long
Barrows in Ireland at all, though (perversely enough)
there are a few earns of stone-heaps of the long
" stone-age " shape, but undoubtedly belonging to
the Bronze Age.

X. As the Stone Age drew to a close a new fashion
began to spread ; the fashion of Dolmen-building.

A dolmen is a structure, often of considerable size,
consisting of a number of stones standing upright and
supporting one or more horizontal cover-slabs. The
word is Breton, in which language it bears the
appropriate meaning " table-stone." In Ireland
they are often called by the name " cromlech " :
and there seems to be an idea current that it is
" patriotic " to use it, though it is a much less satis-
factory term. In the first place it is ambiguous, for
this word is used by the French archaeologists (who
• easily stand first among the masters of pre-historic
research) to denote what we call stone circles — a
totally different class of monuments. In the second
place it is misleading, for it suggests to Irish ears a
connexion, which it does not really possess, with the
spurious divine name Cromm. In the third place
the word is not Irish but Breton, and its meaning,
" crooked stone," is not satisfactory as a description
of monument. In short, the name Cromlech should

316 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

be altogether expunged from archaeological treatises,
and the name Dolmen substituted in every case.
Among the country people these monuments go by
a variety of popular names, as " Giant's Grave,"
Leaba na bhfian, Leaba Dhiarmada agus Ghrdinne,
Clock toghbhdla and the like.

FIG. 107 — DOLMEN OF LIAG AN EANAIGH

The dolmen thus resembles the small cist built
inside the earth mound, but differs from it in being
as a rule much larger and in not being covered with
earth. The latter point has, it is true, been disputed ;

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 317

but the probability is that the majority of dolmens
which are exposed have always been so. Earth mounds
are among the most permanent structures that can
be reared by man ; after the surface has become well
tied together by grass-roots they are practically in-
destructible, unless intentionally dug away. Needless
to say, anyone who took the trouble to remove an
earth mound from his land would not spare the stone
structure at its heart. Moreover, there are some
dolmens which could not possibly have formed cham-
bers in the heart of the mound. They are too open ;
the earth would fill the whole space in and around the
stones. A good example is the dolmen of Liag an
Eanaigh,1 Co. Down (fig. 107). Here there is a large
stone, ii ft. long, supported at a height of seven feet
by three slender pillar stones. It is quite plain that
these stones would become quite buried in the earth,
and no chamber would be formed, if a mound were
heaped around them.

It is impossible to contemplate some of these gigan-
tic structures without a feeling of wonder. How, we
may well ask, were these huge blocks lifted, with the
scanty mechanical means at the disposal of stone-age
man ? How were they poised and secured so that
they have stood unmoved, it may be, between 4000
and 5000 years ? Many of them are built of stones
which must have been transported a long distance,
as there is no bed of the kind of stone anywhere near ;
there is one dolmen in France containing a stone that
weighs 40 tons, which must have thus been carried
19 miles. Such labour must mean the co-operation
of many men ; such a co-operation means a high
degree of social organisation. Large bodies of men
must have united for a common purpose before
any dolmen could have been built. Every monument
of the kind is the record of the unifying power, either

1 Joyce gives Lug an Eanaigh as the Irish form of this name, but
it is perhaps more probable that the place should be called Liag
an Eanaigh after the conspicuous monument • the English form,
" Legananny," sounds more like Hag (stone) than lug (hollow).

3i8 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

of the word of some chief or medicine-man, or else
of the feeling of loyalty to the tribal ideal and to the
memory of the dead leader.

Before we proceed to a more detailed description
of the form of these monuments, which are among the
most interesting that Pre-Celtic Ireland has bequeathed
to us, let us glance for a moment at the facts of the
distribution of dolmens in the world.

They are found in Japan, after which there is a gap
(proceeding westward) till we come to India. After
this there is another gap till we meet them again in
Syria, the Caucasus, and the Crimea. There are none
in Egypt, but they occur in considerable numbers
along the north coast of Africa. Crossing into Europe
at the Straits of Gibraltar, we find ourselves among
a profusion of monuments of this type in Spain ;
indeed, Spain contains some of the finest dolmens in
the world. On the other hand they are unknown in
Italy, except in one district about Otranto, and in
the Balkan Peninsula only one example is recorded.
Returning to Spain, and crossing the Pyrenees into
France, we again find ourselves in a rich dolmen
district ; over 4,000 dolmens are recorded as existing
in France. Belgium, Holland, and North Germany
have a few, and there are a considerable number in
Denmark and Southern Sweden. In Central Europe
and in Northern and Central Russia they appear to be
unknown. In the British Islands they are found in
considerable numbers, especially in Cornwall and
Wales ; while Ireland is one of the richest countries
in the world in this class of monument.1

This distribution must have a meaning. It points
to lines of influence, travelling along certain ways,
touching some regions and leaving others unaffected.
It has been supposed by some authorities that we are
to picture the activities^of a dolmen-building race,

1 A useful map of the distribution of dolmens, and many illus-
trations of these and analogous structures, will be found in
Fergusson's Rude Stone Monuments ; a work for which otherwise
there is little to be said.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 319

which spread from some centre of culture and settled in
the various countries where these monuments are to be
found. Others, with more reason, regard them as the
indication of the spread of new ideas, religious or
cultural, which affected a number of different tribes.
What these ideas were we can but guess. It may be
that the dolmens are the enduring monuments of the
teaching of some great leader of men in the unrecorded
past, who found out a new way of worshipping the
gods and of propitiating the dead, and who caused
his people to follow in his footsteps. Just as the
religion of Muhammad spread from India to Spain,
affecting populations differing profoundly among
themselves in race and in language, so the forgotten
cult, of which the dolmens are the expression, spread,
thousands of years before, and by much the same
routes, over a yet wider range of territory.

The distribution of dolmens in Ireland itself is
suggestive. Down to quite recent times the tradition
of encumbering forests covering the plains of Ireland
persisted. In the early historical compilations the
clearance from their forests is one of the stock actions
attributed to the early monarchs ; and as a rule the
greater the prowess of the king the greater is the
number of the plains that he is said to have cleared.1
Traffic through the interior of the country must have
been difficult, except along the lines of great waterways.
Now, if we look at a map of the distribution of
dolmens2 we can see this fact illustrated in a very
interesting way. There is a thick belt of dolmens
running across Clare and part of Limerick. The

1 There is a religious idea underlying the clearance of the plains
attributable to the kings. The kings being vegetation-divinities,
it was probably their special prerogative to cut down trees.

2 Maps shewing the distribution of dolmens in the four provinces
will be found in the first part of Borlase's Dolmens of Ireland. It
should be remarked, however, that these maps err both by the
omission of real dolmens and by the inclusion of unreal ones !
The letterpress of this book, as a whole1 must be used with caution,
though as a collection of illustrations it is of great value.

32o IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

northern end of this belt is in Boireann, which stony
barony can never have had many trees ; the rest of
the belt is accessible from the Sionann, which, with
its lakes, must always have been the great highway of
this part of the country. In Kerry these monuments
are practically confined to the almost treeless sea-
coast. In Cork they follow the ridge of the Bograch
mountains in the barony of Muscraighe, which were
probably comparatively free from forests ; and in
Waterford they follow the line of the Siur, being
especially common in the corner intercepted between
the estuary of that river and the south coast of the
county. Thus in Mumha the dolmens are practically
confined to the sea-coast, where the trees would
naturally thin out, and to the lines of the great rivers.
The same thing is to be noticed in Connachta ; the
north sea-coast is full of them — indeed, Sligo is the
great county in Ireland for these remains. There is
then a little group in the south of Co. Galway within
an easy journey of Loch Deirgdhearc, the last of the
lakes of the Sionann. The few others that exist in
the province are scattered along the brinks of con-
spicuous rivers, with the exception of a belt running
right through Mayo from north to south, and clearly
following the line of the three great lakes, Con,
Measca, and Oirbsean, which before the introduction
of railways were the chief means of communication
into the heart of the province.

In Ulaidh the rule is not so conspicuously observed
as in the other provinces ; but even there the majority
of the dolmens, and the only large groups, are on the
sea-coast, and in the lands watered by Loch Earna.
We may notice especially a group near Loch Suileach,
which contains the majority of the Donegal examples ;
and on the other hand the comparative emptiness of
Tyrone.

Laighean shews conspicuously the same thing as the
other provinces. The only groups are on the coast
in Dublin, on the Siur in Kilkenny, and on the Bearbha
in the same county, as well as on the Boinn in Meath.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 321

In considering such a question as the distribution
of dolmens we must not forget another matter — the
presence or absence of stones suitable for building
such structures. But even this is bound up with the
foresting of the country and to a large extent depends
upon it. We have seen that stone-age man was both
able and willing to undertake the enormous labour of
transporting stones of great size and weight, whenever
it was necessary to do so. But nothing would have
been a greater hindrance to such operations than a
dense growth of forest trees, with its attendant under-
growth and brushwood — a pathway would have to be
cleared through the obstruction. Further, the exis-
tence of a forest implies soil, and a consequent inacces-
sibility of blocks of suitable stone. We may therefore
fairly conclude that the distribution of dolmens
depends directly on the ancient forestation of the
country.

It is natural to ask ourselves how these gigantic
blocks were raised. This question can be answered
only by conjecture. It is not likely that any very
elaborate system of levers was in use ; there are
schemes published in various books which involve
the use of complicated frameworks of timber, with
highly ingenious mechanical apparatus. These are
scarcely convincing.

To arrive at a more acceptable conclusion, we must
first postulate an unlimited quantity of labour avail-
able, either willing or forced. Further, we may assume
that the builders had the use of some kind of ropes ;
of large beams of wood which they could use as
simple levers and rollers ; and of some apparatus for
digging. And we must also assume that the work
was directed by an overseer, competent to see that
the stones were sufficiently firm to bear the weight of
the cover-slab, and that the space between the uprights
was not too wide to be spanned by the stone selected
to lie upon them. With these postulates we can re-
construct the process with fair probability (fig. 108).

X

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 323

The first thing to do would be to deposit the uprights
on the ground, in such a position that their feet were
approximately over the spot which they were intended
to occupy ; the cap-stone lying at a little distance away.
This placing of the stones would be done with the
aid of ropes and rollers.

The next step would be to dig the pit for the feet
of each upright, one by one, and to raise the stone
gradually with levers to slide it into position. It
would be supported at each stage of the process of
erection by wedging stones or earth underneath it.
Small stones were wedged around the feet of the
uprights, to hold them firmly in position.

So soon as it was certain that the uprights were
fast in the ground, an earth bank would be built up,
sloping down from the top of the supporting stones to
the place where the stone intended for the cover-slab
was lying. This stone would then be dragged up
this slope with the aid of rollers, and when set in
position the earth bank would be dug away. The
monument was then complete.

For what purpose was such great labour under-
taken ? Popular archaeology has answered this ques-
tion by calling these monuments " druids' altars." 1
It is not impossible — indeed, it is highly probable —
that rites involving sacrifices in honour of the dead
took place periodically around these monuments.
But the idea that they were altars cannot be admitted
for a moment. They may look like altars to the super-
ficial observer, but when they are examined in detail
the difficulties of such an explanation become obvious.
An altar would require a flat and horizontal upper

1 It is perhaps unfair to put the blame for this foolish idea on
" popular archaeology." A great deal of harm has been done,
in Ireland, by semi-instructed persons airing their accomplishments
before country folk, or scribbling in newspapers, and thus con-
taminating the traditions. It is not unlikely that many notions
about " druids," " druids' altars," " giants' graves," and other
puerilities, have been imported thus by " Vallanceyites " into local
nomenclature.

324 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

surface in the cover-slab : these monuments are
almost always rounded on the upper surface, and
often the cover-slab is oblique. Moreover, some of the
monuments are of considerable height : the " druid "
would have required a ladder to climb to the top,
and it is far from obvious how he could have dragged
a recalcitrant victim up with him. However, we need
not waste any more space in discussing a theory
(like that of the pagan origin of the Round Towers)
which, if anyone dared now to maintain it seriously,
he would ipso facto gain a place among, let us say,
the unnecessary part of humanity !

The probable explanation is that dolmens were
meant to represent houses, dwelling-places for the
shade, differing from his earthly habitation in being
more permanent. That the structure is a good imita-
tion of a house is shewn by the fact that some dolmens
have actually been inhabited by poor squatters in quite
recent years. This " house of the soul " would be
made a receptacle for gifts and offerings made from
time to time to the dead man by his surviving friends.
It was not necessarily the burial-chamber proper —
indeed, in many if not in most cases it cannot have
been the burial chamber, as it would have been too
open for that purpose. The actual interment was
made in the earth underneath, and the dolmen erected
over it, like a monument.

A few dolmens in Ireland have sculptured marks
upon them which, however, are quite unintelligible.

FIG. 109 — MARKS ON THE DOLMEN AT LEANAN

Some figures on a dolmen at Leanan, Co. Monaghan,
are not unlike Runic characters, but are without
alphabetic significance (fig. 109). At Caiseal Dearg,

326 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Co. Tyrone, there is on one of the stones a series of
cuts and scratches, but these may be nothing more
recondite than the marks made by sharpening tools.
On a dolmen called " The Bealick," near Magh
Cromdha, Co. Cork, there are some cup-like marks.1

There are several types of dolmen exemplified among
the Irish specimens.

The simplest, but at the same time one of the rarest,
is the so-called trilithon, which consists of only three
stones — two uprights and one " cover-stone. Loch
Muine, Co. Down, has an example. The well-known
trilithon on Sliabh Callainn in Clare is not to be
counted among this class of dolmens. There were
originally other stones besides the three of which
the structure now consists, but these have been
removed in modern times.

The normal type of dolmen, of which there are any
examples through the country (fig. no), consists of a
single capstone, supported by more than two uprights —
most commonly three, but sometimes more. At
Ceall Tighearnain, in Co. Dublin, there is a dolmen
with as many as eleven uprights. The roofing-stone
in this monument is estimated to weigh 40 tons
(fig. in).

There is a variety of this type in which the cover
stone is not raised wholly from the ground, but
supported in a sloping position. Among the monu-
ments of this class may be mentioned the huge dolmen
in the demense at Howth, Co. Dublin. Its capstone
weighs 70 tons. It need hardly be said that Sir
Samuel Ferguson's well-known poem on this monu-
ment is nothing but a poet's fancy, and has no claim
to present an authentic history of the structure : in-
deed, it is perhaps a pity that it has popularised an
idea so impossible as that the dolmen commemorates
a lady of the Fenian cycle.2 Another great monument
of this class is in the demesne of Mount Browne,

^ee illustrations in Borlase's Dolmens, and JRSAI IV, ii,
524, 526.

2 Dolmens, though so common in Ireland, are never mentioned in
ancient Irish literature. O'Donovan's identification of " The
Giant's Table " in N. Mayo with " The Tomb of the Maols " is
preposterous.

328 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

near Carlow (fig. 112); its capstone weighs 100 tons —
the heaviest known capstone in all Europe. Both the
Howth and the Mount Browne dolmen may at first
have been of the normal type, in which the whole
capstone is raised from the ground, but I hardly
think so. If these great stones had slipped into the
position which they now occupy, they would most
probably have brought down all the supporting-stones
in their fall.

FIG. 112 — THE MOUNT BROWNE DOLMEN

In another variety the cover-slab is partly supported,
not on uprights but on a subsidiary cover-slab. A
magnificent example of this type, one of the finest
in Ireland, is the monument known as Leac an Scail,
near Muileann an Bhata in Co. Kilkenny.

The above are all varieties of what may be called
the dolmen proper. But there is a closely related
structure, the allee couverte, which presents us with
fresh varieties. In the allee couverte there is a series
of cover-slabs, supported on two rows of uprights,
which most usually are parallel, but sometimes are

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 329

slightly expanding, so that the plan of the structure
is wedge-shaped. Good examples are to be found
in most counties.

Some dolmens are surrounded with enclosures of
stone or earth. The most notable example is perhaps
the Giant's Ring at Druim Bo, Co. Antrim. This
consists of a dolmen, now rather dilapidated, inside
an earthen ring 580 ft. in diameter. The purpose in
all such cases was to mark out a sacred enclosure
around the monument, not to be trodden by profane
foot — also, very, likely, to confine the ghost of the
dead, and to prevent it from issuing forth to harm
or terrify the living. Good examples of dolmens with
stone enclosures are to be seen at Ceathramhadh Mor,
Co. Sligo, and Baile an Tuaidh, Co. Antrim. The
latter dolmen has a double stone enclosure, most of
which has, however, been removed for road-metal or
building purposes. A earn of stones formerly covering
the dolmen has also been removed.1

FIG. 113 — DOLMEN AT RUADH MOR

Less common is the association of a dolmen with
a standing stone. A good example (fig. 113) is at
Ruadh Mor, Co. Cork.

1 Illustrations of the dolmens here referred to, and of many
others of the same types, will be found in Borlase's work.

330 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

XI. With the beginning of the Bronze Age a new
method of disposing of bodies of the dead began
to spread over northern and parts of southern Europe.
Hitherto the bodies have been buried, with or without
grave-goods, inside a stone cist in the heart of a
tumulus ; or under a dolmen ; or else in a simple
grave, with or without a stone lining, in the earth.
But now the practice of cremation makes its appearance
in the regions named ; and though for a long time there
was, so to speak, a struggle between the two rites,
the latter custom ultimately prevailed, and became the
normal mode of disposing of the bodies of the dead.

This radical change in sepulchral rites must be the
index of a deep-rooted change in the way of looking
at the religious aspect of death. We cannot suppose
that a material resurrection or re-vivification of the
body was expected by people who adopted the most
efficient means of destroying it. On the other hand,
the continuance of the practice of depositing grave-
goods in, if anything, an increasing abundance, is a
witness of the continuance of the belief in a life after
death.

The whole subject has been discussed, with a wealth
of illustration, by Prof. Ridgeway.1 The numerous
examples which he draws from Classical sources, but
which need not be specifically detailed here, shew
that the idea underlying the practice of cremation is
something like this :• — After death the soul remains
near the body, flitting about it. Even when the bones
have been long buried, the soul is still in the vicinity,
and can be transferred by digging up and translating
the remains. This belief was turned to practical
account, when some ancient hero was taken from his
grave to another land, which hoped to have the unseen
co-operation of his ghost in military enterprise. But
when the body is burnt, the soul's anchor is destroyed ;
the ghost departs to the realm of spirits, never to
return. Admission to this realm cannot be obtained

1 Early Age oj Greece, vol. I, chap. vii.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 331

unless the body is burnt, and offerings made for the
use of the spirit must also be burnt. Thus, Herodotus1
tells the story of a dead wife appearing to her husband,
and complaining that she was cold in the land of
spirits, because the garments deposited in her tomb
had not been burnt, so that she could make no use of
them. The burning etherealised the offerings, turning
them to the vapour of smoke, and so made them
available for the etherealised shade.

XII. The burial ritual as followed in Ireland during
the Bronze Age was very far from being uniform,
so far as we can judge from the few bronze-age tombs
that have been scientifically examined. The bronze-
age burial-places in Ireland can be thus classified : —

A. Earth Burials

i. — Body deposited in earth without protection.

2. — Deposit protected with a cist ; no earn or tumulus.

The cist may or may not be surrounded with an

enclosure or otherwise marked.

a. The cist underground.

b. The cist at or above the surface of the ground.
3. — Deposit protected with a cist, covered with a earn

(of stones) or a tumulus (of earth). There may
be either a single cist or a plurality of cists in the
covering structure.

a. The cist underground.

b. The cist at or above the surface of the

ground .

B. Cave Burials

i. — The grave deposit in a natural cave.

2. — The grave deposit in an artificial cave, i.e., a
chamber built up with a regular means of ap-
proach.

a. The chamber below ground.

b. The chamber above ground, covered with

a earn or tumulus.

1 History, V. 92.

332 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

In the above table the word " burial " includes
cremation as well as inhumation interments.

We now give one or two examples of each of these
classes of burial : but no full list of all that have been
found or described can be attempted here.

XIII. [A. i] : Earth burial without protection. — The
bodies of the " rank and file " of the population were,
no doubt, simply buried in the earth, without coffins,
urns, or other receptacles. When such was the case
both the ashes (in the case of a burnt body) and the
bones (in the case of an unburnt body) would become
mingled with the soil ; and if no grave-goods were
deposited with the interment, all trace of it would in
time perish, even the bones decaying away to nothing
in our damp climate. As a rule, therefore, the burials
of the poor of the population are no longer to be found.
Even when the skeletons come to light, in soil favour-
able to their preservation, the absence of grave-goods
makes it impossible to identify the interment with
certainty as belonging to the Bronze Age. When the
body after burning was placed in an urn, and the urn
buried in the ground, identification is naturally
easier. A good typical instance of this is the deposit
found at Lann Abhaigh in Co. Antrim.1 Here there
was found in a gravel-heap an urn filled with calcined
bones, with a second urn inverted over it. At a dis-
tance of 5 ft. from this deposit there was a human
skeleton doubled up and lying on its back. In the
next field there was found, in a gravel-pit, an urn
inverted over calcined bones, with a stone resting on
its upturned bottom. There were no flints or bronze
objects near this ; and the field was quite level and
showed no external sign, in the shape of mounds or
stones, of being the site of a cemetery. The two urns
in the first deposit were of the food -vessel type, and
were elaborately decorated with a variety of linear
ornaments. The other was a cinerary urn, plain
except for some ornamentation round the rim, and
a ridge surrounding the body of the vessel.

1UJAII, v, 24.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 333

Analysing this deposit, we find the following essen-
tial elements : —

(1) The absence of any surface indications of the interment.

(2) The absence of grave-goods.

(3) The presence of both cremation and inhumation.

(4) The buried skeleton being in a crouched position.

(5) The different disposition of the urns — in the one burial

the urn containing the ashes was right-way up, in the
other it was inverted.

(6) A flat stone laid on the bottom of the upturned urn.

(7) The burial in a gravel-bank, which is a convenient method
of burial apparently not uncommon in Ulaidh.

It might be possible to explain the presence of
cremation and inhumation in the one cemetery as
accidental, the two types of deposit belonging to
different periods ; but there are other examples to
which we shall presently refer, that make it admissible
to suppose that the two were contemporary. The
crouched position of the skeleton is a frequent attitude
of burial, descending from the Early Stone Age. The
stone deposited on the upturned urn may have
had the intention of confining the ghost still more
effectually.

Dr. J. Sinclair Holden1 has recorded, but without
details, that it is very common for urns to be found
" in the Glens of Antrim " containing ashes. In some
of these cases the site has no external mark, in others
a large rude stone stands close by.

The deposits that were found on the site of Campbell
College, Belfast, add something to that described
above. Here in a low gravel mound two urns were
found, between i and 2 ft. below the surface, and
about 10 yards distant from one another. They stood
mouth downward. A small urn, of the form called
" incense-cup," mouth upward, was inside the smaller
of the urns, resting on its contents. In the same ridge
were " about 20 small graves " (presumably stone
cists) about 2 ft. long by i ft. wide, filled with gravel

1 JAI, i, p. 219.

334 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

and soil, each containing a few fragments of bone
and charcoal.1

Here, as before, we see—

(1) The absence of any surface indication of the graves.

(2) The commingling of urn burial and cist burial, with cre-

mation in each case.

(3) The absence of grave-goods.

(4) The deposit of the urns, differing in form from that at Lann

Abhaigh, no stone being used in the present case.

(5) The ritual use, whatever it may have been, of the " incense-

cup."

(6) Cist-burials without urns more numerous than burials

with urns.

Near Coillidhe Bacaigh, at a place called Geal-ghorm
Parks, was a natural mound of sand utilised as a place
for burial deposit.2 Four urns were found, three of
them placed standing on flat stones, mouths upper-
most ; the fourth was inside one of these. There
were no cists. The urns were close to the surface.
Near to the place where they were found there is a
small basin-shaped cavity, \\ to 5 ft. in diameter, and
surrounded with a raised rim 2 to 3 feet broad, locally
called the " Devil's Punch-bowl." The earth inside
this cavity is quite black, and it has been suggested
that it was here that the cremation was carried out.
However that may be, these deposits give us further
differences in detail. The urns were placed upright,
apparently with nothing to prevent the overlying earth
from falling into them (for there is nothing said in
the description about stones or other coverings being
used for the mouths). The urn inside the other takes
the place of the " incense-cup " in the Campbell
College deposit. Otherwise we have the same appear-
ance as before — deposit of burnt bones in urns without
grave-goods, and without any external indication of
the deposit.

1 UJA II, ii, p. 184.
2 UJA II, i, p. 94.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 335

Dun Droma, Co. Down. Here were found ten
urns at a depth of 3 feet, all bottom upwards and
resting on stones ; they contained charred bones. In
addition, a small ring of shale, about an inch in dia-
meter, was found in one of the urns. Here we have
a more uniform series, all conforming to what was
probably the normal type — the urn inverted with its
mouth resting on a flat stone. The small ring of shale
is the first indication we have met with of the possi-
bility of grave-goods in these simple interments. In
the same bank which contained these urns there were
a number of graves, and to have been about 3^ ft.
long by i ft. 2 ins. broad, and i ft. 6 ins. deep, con-
taining bones. They were all destroyed by the work-
men employed in making a bridge, the excavation for
which revealed the burials. It is practically certain
that these were stone-lined iron-age graves, and that
their association with the urn-burials was nothing
more than accidental.1

Creagan, Co. Antrim. Here were found three urns,
containing burnt bones of a man and of a large animal,
as well as a triangular dagger of bronze. The urns
were buried in a gravel-heap, but the relative position
of the human and the animal bones is not clear.2

A very curious burial is described by Mr. G. CofTey,
who excavated it on the townland of Fearta, near Loch
Riabhach, Co. Galway.3 It may be described as an
earth-burial above ground. The principal body was
cremated, and placed on a block of stone lying on the
old surface of the earth : over it an urn was inverted.
A mound of earth and stones (present dimensions
40 ft. diameter and 9 ft. height), had then been heaped
over the deposit ; and in the upper part of this there
was a second interment ; this time of a young woman,
unburnt. With her were some bones of a small horse,
and the leg-bone of a red deer, as well as picks made

1 UJA I, vi, 164,
2PRIA, xxxiii, C, p. i.

3 G. Coffey, On the Excavation of a Tumulus near Loughrea,
Co. Galway. PRIA, xxv, C, 14.

336 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

of the horns of the same animal. This has every
appearance of having been the body of a slave, sent
to minister to her lord in the other world : it can
hardly be explained as a secondary interment sub-
sequently intruded on the mound, as a stratum of
sand, more or less parallel with the outer surface of
the tumulus, ran above the second interment and was
unbroken. The different treatment of the two bodies —
burnt and unburnt — is thus suggested to denote a
difference of social caste.

[A. 2] : Cist-burial. — In this form of interment
(with cremation or inhumation) a receptacle is made
by means of slabs or stones, in which are placed the
human remains and the grave deposits. Cist burials
may be made with or without urns, and the cists may
be wholly sunk in the ground, or may be wholly or
partly exposed.

Of the simple type we may mention as an example
a find at Thorny Valley, near Baile Meadhonach, Co.
Antrim.1 Here workmen digging in a field came on
the cover of a cist which they removed ; the cist was
found to contain an urn, mouth downward, resting
on a flat stone. The sides of the cist were formed of
five stones, making a five-sided chamber. There were
no grave-goods of any kind except the urn, beneath
which there was a quantity of white calcined bones.

The essential points of this burial are —

(1) The use of a cist.

(2) The absence of surface indications.

(3) The absence of grave-goods.

(4) The inversion of the urn.

At Ceall Bhronaigh, Co. Mayo, a bronze-age ceme-
tery was discovered early in the last century. It is
described, not very satisfactorily, in the Gentleman's
Magazine (1827, vol. ii, p. 541), where it is reported
that up to the moment of writing ten urns had been
found. It is not stated how they had been deposited,

1UJAII, i, p. 93.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 337

but one of them " contained a very small vessel,
supposed to be a lachrymatory."1 There was also
found " a small tomb in form of a chest," i ft. 6 ins.
long and a foot wide, which contained stones and an
arrow-head of flint.
Analysing this description we gather —

(1) The co-existence of plain earth burial with urns and of

cist burial. This suggests the possibility that a difference
of social position was indicated by the difference of ritual.
The single cist-burial may well have been that of a chief,
the plain urn-burials those of his retainers.

(2) The exclusive use of cremation. We are not told that

the body in the cist was burned, but we may infer this
from the small size of the receptacle.

(3) The use of an incense cup, apparently in one urn-burial

only.

(4) Grave-goods very scanty, and confined to the cist-burial.

The urn-burial found at Greenhills,Tamhlachta,Co.
Dublin, which has been ingeniously transported to
the Royal Irish Academy's collection in the National
Museum, may here be mentioned. This deposit adds
a new feature to the urn-burial in cists, in the shape
of a food-vessel. An incense-cup was lying upon the
contents of the cinerary urn, which was inverted.2 At
Brugh Dearg, Co. Tyrone, another cist burial was
found with an incense-cup inside the urn.3

The cist is sometimes double. A good example
was found at Oldbridge, Co. Meath.4 This contained
a decayed skeleton (female) with food-vessel and
associated jet beads.

At Lug an Chuirin, Queen's Co., were found two
cist burials of some importance.5 There were here
two cists, one single, the other double, lying parallel

1 A theory not much more improbable than that which gives the
current name " incense-cup " to these small vessels.

2 See the account of this burial in PRIA, xxi, 338.
3JRSAI, xv, 740.

4 PRIA, xix, 747.

5 M. W. Lalor, On a recent discovery of kists containing hitman
remains, on a farm at Luggacurren, Queen's Co., JRSAT, xv, 446.

Y

338 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

one to the other : the double cist was divided into two
unequal divisions with a cross-slab, but covered with
a single slab extending over its whole length. Each
cist contained an unburnt skeleton : these must have
been deposited in a crouching position, though this
is not definitely stated. No satisfactory description
of the bones has been published. The cists were
3 yards apart and lay east and west : in the south-east
corner of the two largest receptacles there was an urn.
These urns contained, in addition to a little earth,
" two little links of beads of some mineral substance
of a bluish colour " highly polished and finished,
and two bronze armlets. On the cover-stone of one
of the cists, on the under surface, was a conical cup-
mark.

The essential points of this interment are —

(1) The deposition of unburnt bodies in the crouching attitude

in the cist.

(2) The deposition of grave-goods in the cist — a very rare

circumstance.

(3) A cup-mark in the cover-stone, which, perhaps by over-

sight, had been turned upside down.

Cup-marks have been found elsewhere upon the
stones of cists. In a cist-cemetery at Druim na Coille,
Co. Tyrone, where a number of very fine urns came
to light, one of the cists had on its floor-stone two cup
hollows on one face, one on the other.1

The subject of cist-burial above the surface of the
ground introduces us to a bewildering study. There
is a great variety of partly exposed stone structures
still existing in Ireland, most of them probably belong-
ing to the Bronze Age, and connected with burial, but
so diverse in plan among themselves that it is next to
impossible to classify them. The difficulty is increased
by the unfortunate fact that they have suffered shock-
ingly at the hands of generations of those pests, the
seekers for hidden treasure.

1 JRSAI, xii, 510.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 339

We may say in general that these structures consist
of comparatively small stones set on edge, marking
out enclosures, each of them of sufficient size to hold
an urn, or a parcel of ash from the burning of a body.
We may presume that they were all originally covered
with slabs, but it is very rare to find these remaining
intact, thanks to the attentions of treasure-seekers.
Normally they are rectangular, though they are some-
times wedge-shaped : sometimes there is only one
enclosure, but in many there are more than one —
usually arranged in a row.

An important group of cist-burials are those in
which there is an external mark of the grave — either
a standing stone, or an earth or stone enclosure, such
as we have already seen in connection with dolmens.
Among these we may mention especially the burial at
Long-stone Fort, near Nas, Co. Kildare, the excava-
tion of which is fully described in the publications of
the Royal Irish Academy.1 Here there was a cist
sunk in the ground, without a cover, intended for
two persons, and containing the burnt remains of
(apparently) a man and a woman, a flint chip, a frag-
mentary wrist-guard of an archer, and a scrap of
pottery. Beside the earn rose a tall standing stone,
17 feet above ground ; and an earthen bank surrounded
the whole, enclosing a circular space a little over 100 ft.
in radius, with the standing stone in the exact mathe-
matical centre.

The excavation of this burial had important scientific
results. For the facts upon which the following state-
ments are based, we must refer the reader to the
original article in the Royal Irish Academy Proceedings,
mentioned in the footnote. The burial took place on
the top of a hill which, though not of great size, com-
mands a wide view. The first step was the lighting
of a great beacon-fire, which must have been seen far
and wide ; presumably to summon the clan of the
deceased.2 The grave was then dug and the cist made,

^RIA, vol. xxx, C, p. 351.

2 Or possibly for the simpler purpose of destroying an incon-
venient growth of brushwood.

340 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

and the body of the dead man (probably also of his
wife, slaughtered that she might accompany him to
the world of the shades) was burnt inside the cist — the
stones of which bore marks of a severe fire. The grave
having been filled in (there was no cover-stone on the
cist), the pillar-stone was erected, most likely by a
process analogous to that which we have already de-
scribed in connection with the raising of dolmens —
an earth-bank was built, having a sloping side, up
which the stone was rolled and dropped into the hole
prepared for its reception. The earth bank was then
dug away, and the enclosing vallum traced out by
means of a rope tied to the standing stone at one end
and swept round as a radius. It was noteworthy that
a hollow was formed in the underlying rock for the
reception of the foot of the standing stone, which was
wedged up with blocks of stone to keep it firmly in
position.

For what purpose was this standing stone ? Natu-
rally, it will be said, to mark the grave. But the grave
is already sufficiently marked by means of the earthen
fortification surrounding it. We have to consider this
question in connexion with the whole subject of
standing stones.

Both in Ireland and the Scottish Highlands standing
stones are often called Fear breagach, " a false man."
A stone of this kind would hardly suggest such a name
to a modern, unless there were a tradition behind it.
It points to the time when the stone was really meant
for a man. It is not exactly to be regarded as a statue ;
rather is it a receptacle for the life or the soul of a
person buried underneath it. The idea that the life
of a man passes into that of a tree or plant growing
over his grave is a commonplace of folk-lore.1 It is
unquestionably at the basis of the feeling so prevalent

1 Among instances of such a belief I need mention only the well-
known tale of Baile and Aillen (for which see Hyde's Literary
History of Ireland, p. 117) and — to go far away from Ireland — a
tale which will be found at p. 117 of my grammar of The Language
of the Naivar of Palestine

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 341

in Ireland against the trimming of the graves in the
cemeteries. Our English visitors, who contrast the
untidy Irish graveyards with the neatly kept God's
acres of their own land, and draw conclusions much
to the disadvantage of Ireland and her people, are
blissfully unaware that they are in the presence of a
tabu of imposing antiquity, which has its roots in the
strivings of ancient man after an expression of his
instinct for immortality. I do not say that if we could
get inside any modern peasant's mind we should find
in all its crudity the idea that the grass growing over
his dead relative's grave was really quickened by the
life of the departed, and that it would therefore be an
act of impiety to cut it. But beyond all question the
peasant's far-distant ancestors held that belief, and
their modern descendant, though he has forgotten
their faiths, has not forgotten the prohibitions that
were founded on those faiths.

Where there was no tree, a stone would serve ; and
it may be that a stone was intentionally substituted
for a tree after it had been observed that trees were
after all not permanent grave-marks, but that they
were subject to decay. This would be especially
reasonable as there was a notion that stones had a life
of their own, manifested by growth : this belief is
indicated by survivals of it still to be found. A well-
to-do Meath farmer has pointed out to me a curious
mark on a stone in his field, and has explained it as
being due to the pressure of another stone while it
was growing.

[A. 3] : Cist-burial in an earthen or stone mound.—
An example of such a monument, with the cist sunk
wholly or partly beneath the surface of the ground,
was opened in 1858 in Moat Meadow, near Beal-atha
Hill, Carraig Fhearguis. Unfortunately the report of
the excavation, published in the old series of the Ulster
Journal of Archaeology ,l is an excellent model of " how

1 Vol. vi, p. 169.

342 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

not to do it." The mound was nearly circular, 45 ft.
in diameter, and 7 ft. in maximum height. Within
a foot of the level of the field there was a layer of flat
stones, under which was a stratum of what the writer
of the article calls " fossil earth," containing snail -
shells and bones of deer [?] and of the ordinary domestic
animals. Under the " fossil earth " were the two
clay strata with a bed of peat between : in this were
numerous fragments of flint, all " more or less bearing
marks of having been artificially shaped " — a descrip-
tion which for vagueness it would be hard to beat ;
and at the level of the layer of peat, exactly in the
middle of the mound, was a cist (dimensions not
stated) filled with a glutinous clay mixed with ashes,
at the bottom of which, at the depth of 5 inches, were
two semicircular stones. Two or three feet to the
north of this were 27 amber beads " of rude shapes,"
pierced : several rude specimens of flint arrow-heads
were also found in the clay, along with a number of
globular stones about the size of a grape-shot. No
human remains were found, with the exception of a
small bone which was " pronounced on competent
authority to be very like one of the small wrist bones
of the human body." If the authority unnamed could
not make a better attempt at identification than that,
he was scarcely competent !

The description quoted above is so confused that
it is difficult to make out exactly the disposition of
the burial. This is unfortunate, as the interment
seems to have been of considerable importance. In
a properly regulated country, archaeological excava-
tion by a person so obviously incompetent as the
writer of this notice would be absolutely prohibited,
under heavy penalties. For the mere act of excavation
is necessarily destructive ; and only long experience,
training the eye to note, and the pen and pencil to
describe clearly and to draw, the different stages in
the removal of the earth, can justify anyone in under-
taking a task so delicate. The two semi-circular stones

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 343

recall similar slabs of stone found elsewhere in bronze-
age burials, for holding the pile of ashes when there
was no urn. It is curious that the amber beads would
appear (so far as the confused description permits us
to judge), to have been outside the cist ; this suggests
that they have no real connection with the burial, and
that it had been dumped on an old habitation-site.
Perhaps the owner was buried on the site of his dwelling.
In the year 1748 a ploughman at work in a field at
Carn Fhiachach, near Muilleann Gearr, Co. Westmeath,
drove his plough through a " sandy hillock " which,
not improbably, was the relic of the earn which gave
the place its name. However that may be, he struck
a large stone which proved to be the cover-stone of
a cist. The account which we have of the discovery
seems to have been written some time afterwards, and
from hearsay evidence only : it was communicated by
Bishop Pocock to the Society of Antiquaries of London,
and published in vol. ii of Archaeologia (1773). It
appears that there was an unburnt skeleton in the cist,
which we are told (as is usual in old, and even some
recent, accounts of such interments) belonged to a
man "of a size greatly above the common proportion."
An urn was deposited with the skeleton, which was
roughly handled and fell to pieces. The bishop also
describes and figures a gold ring, " set with twenty-
five table diamonds," alleged to have been found in
the cist, but which is obviously modern — possibly
seventeenth century, but certainly not older. He
further comments upon the " singularly curious attire,
or ornament, of the head ; for it was covered with an
integument of clay, as with a cap ; the border whereof,
neatly wrought like Point or Brussels lace, extended
half-way down the forehead. Upon handling, it
mouldered into dust, so that no drawing was made
of it." This may have been another urn, but more
probably it was nothing at all — merely earth lying on
the skull, in which the too- vivid imaginations of the
spectators traced the wonderful ornament described.

344 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

This interment was multiple, for round the cist
were ranged five smaller cists, arranged thus —

— and containing nothing but human bones. The
bishop, in his article quoted, draws the obvious con-
clusion that the monument commemorates a chieftain
surrounded by five of his followers who fell in some
battle. It may also be a man surrounded by five
slaves, slaughtered to keep him company and to do
him service in the world of shadows. A similar group
of five cists was found, according to Pocock, on the
lands of Adamstowh, about half a mile distant. In
this latter group, however, there seems to have been
no larger cist.

There are a greater number of examples of cists
above ground, protected by tumuli or earns. In the
Manor of Lindsay of Luachra, Co. Tyrone, there was
an old mound of earth called " The Moat " ; on the
top of this mound, covered by about 8 ft. of earth, a
cist was found in the year iSoo.1 It measured 3 ft. in
width and 4 ft. in length. It was built of flagstones —
bottom, top, and four side stones. Inside it was an
urn, full of fine earth and ashes and burnt bones ;
there were no other deposits.

Mr. Wakeman describes2 a tumulus at Coill Ui
Cearnaigh, Co.Cavan, which displays a combination of
these types — i.e., the cist above and under the ground.
In this case the cist was erected on the summit of a
natural esker, and was then heaped over with earth,

1 Gentleman's Magazine, 1802, II, p. 1185.
2JRSAI, xv, 189.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 345

the esker forming the heart of the mound. This cist
contained an urn, a polished stone axe-head, and a
peculiar bone object resembling a fragment of a
buckle. In a neighbouring cist on the slope of the
mound, and probably belonging to a secondary inter-
ment, were fragments of pottery with ornaments in
relief, and two flints — one a rude knife, the other a
well-chipped arrow-head.

Another good example, this time inside a stone heap,
was the monument lettered " Carn O " in the great
series on Ceathramhadh Caol Mountain.1 This
stone-heap contained a small pentagonoid cist, with
a sort of antechamber, also pentagonoid ; it contained
an urn and some burnt and unburnt bones, but nothing
else.

The majority of such structures are circular in plan :
but there is one, also on Ceathramhadh Caol (earn E)
which recalls the " horned barrows " of Scotland. It is
a mound of stones 120 ft. long and 35 ft. in maximum
breadth. The burial cists — two in number with a
passage between them — are at one end. At the other
end the pile of stones splits into two " horns " : but
except the cists just mentioned there are no construc-
tions inside the heap of stones.

The hill-top grave of Cnoc Baine, Co. Tyrone,
which is important on account of its sculptured stones
(referred to on a preceding page) belongs to this
group. The earthen mound has been nearly all dug
away, probably by treasure-seekers, exposing the now
much-dilapidated cist.

Even more remarkable is a earn at Dubh-ait,2 near
Florencecourt, Co. Fermanagh (fig. 114). This consists
of a complex earn, in three divisions, at the centre of a
heap of stones, from which radiates five projections
of a maximum length of 60 feet. Though no other

1 For the account of the excavation of this series see PRIA,
vol. xxix, sect. C, p. 311.

2 This name (Anglicised Doohat) has been explained as Dumha
ait, " the place of a tumulus " : but such an interpretation is hardly
possible syntactically.

346 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

example of a structure of this type from Ireland
seems to have been recorded, it is not unknown in the
North of Scotland : several are figured in Anderson's
Scotland in Pagan Times, second series, p. 231, ff.1

FIG. 114 — CARN AT DUBH-AIT

As illustrating the same type of burial with a mul-
tiplicity of cists we take two important examples.

The first is the mound of Mount Stewart, Co.
Down, now almost completely annihilated. It stood
in a plain near the " Temple of the Winds " on Mount
Stewart demesne, and had the appearance of a earn

1 The Irish example is described by W. F. Wakeman, JRSAI,
xvi, 163, ff.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 347

about 5 ft. high and 30 ft. in diameter at the base.1
Unfortunately a " projector " from England took it
into his head that the appearance and utility of the
plain would be improved by draining it and filling up
the trenches with the material of this heap of stones.
When the process of carrying out this nefarious scheme
began, the workmen found, at the south side of the
heap, a great stone, covering four flag-stones set on
edge and forming a cist. Inside it was a small earthen
vessel, which the labourers, of course, imagined would
contain hidden treasure ; they broke it, but there was
nothing inside but a small quantity of blackish granu-
lated earth. A large number of similar cists came to
light one by one — how many is not known. Dr.
Stephenson, apparently quite arbitrarily, says that
there cannot have been much less than sixty or seventy ;
but Vallancey's account (communicated by a " Mr.
Templeton of Belfast ") though giving no information
on this essential point, does not suggest so large a
number. The rude plan accompanying Vallancey's
account shows fifteen small cists. In each there was
an urn, about the size of a quart measure. The bottoms
of the cists were strewn with fragments of bones that
had been exposed to an intense fire, and with bits of
charcoal ; in some a little gravel was mixed with the
rest of the contents. In the heart of the earn there
was a cist four times the size of the others ; it was
empty. The other cists, all of which contained an
urn in their north-western corners, were to the south
of the large central cist ; apparently the north side of
the earn contained no cists.

1 The only records remaining of this remarkable monument are
an account in Vallancey's Collectanea (vol. vi, p. 291), and a descrip-
tion in a pamphlet by Dr. S. M. Stephenson of Belfast, entitled
An Historical Essay on the Parish and Congregation of Grey Abbey
(Belfast, 1828). The latter description is reprinted in Ulster Journal
of Archaeology, old series, vol. ix, p. in. It is clear, on comparing
these accounts, that Stephenson's is a mere paraphrase of Vallan-
cey's, and therefore of no independent authority. It is not certain
whether the dimensions given were obtained by actual measurement,
or were mere eye-estimates ; probably the latter. The mound
was, most likely, rather larger than is here stated.

348 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Of this very remarkable structure the " English
projector " has left nothing but a melancholy fragment
of the central cist. The regularity of the construction
of this earn, and the remarkable fact that all the urns
are placed in a definite part of the cists, indicate that
the burials must all have taken place at one time.
The empty central cist of large size, with its accom-
paniment of subordinate cists, enable us without undue
straining of the imagination to regard this earn as the
monument of some great military disaster which
involved in ruin a bronze-age chieftain and a consider-
able number of his followers. The chieftain's body
could not be recovered. His ghost was, therefore, in
accordance with the custom alluded to on a previous
page, propitiated by means of a mock burial. The
followers were burnt on the funeral pyre, and their
ashes ranked behind the receptacle which should have
held the remains of their leader. Indeed, it would
almost seem as though we are to see an actual military
grouping of the tombs. King Loiguire was buried
at Teamhair standing upright in his armour, with his
face turned towards Laighean, " for he was ever an
enemy of the men of Laighean." In like manner the
nameless Bronze-age warrior of Mount Stewart was
placed as though leading his men out to battle, it may
be against the foe who had sent them to the under-
world.

The second monument is the structure called Dun
Ruadh, near Greencastle in Co. Tyrone. This is, or
rather was, a very remarkable earn, built in the form
of a ring, with an open space in the middle (figs. 115,
1 1 6). It was surrounded with an earthen mound,
now almost entirely effaced. Unfortunately it has
been submitted to the process of " hogging," for the
sake of a few urns, worth a few shillings ; and therefore
it can no longer yield the scientific harvest that might
have been gathered from it if it had been examined
by a competent excavator. There are traces of thirteen
cists to be seen in the dilapidated ruin which now
represents the monument. These are not arranged
in any particular order.

FIG. 115 — PLAN OF DUN RUADH

FIG. 116— VIEW OF DUN RUADH

350 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

Another remarkable example of multiple burial of
this type was that found at Barr Fhionntamhnaigh, near
Tri Liag, Co. Tyrone, and excavated in 1871 under
Mr. Wakeman's superintendence. This was a earn,
8 ft. high and 40 ft. in diameter, apparently containing
no structure at its heart : but round the margin there
was a series of eight cists. Mr. Wakeman's paper,1
describing this structure, is unduly verbose, and
demands careful reading before we can discern what
was actually found : and even then it is not clear
which earns contained which objects. But the follow-
ing brief analysis seems to contain accurately the gist
of the report —

(1) North Eastern Cist. Skeleton.

(2) Human bones ; three vertebrae of a dog ; a cinerary urn,

empty, lying on its side on a slab of sandstone.

(3) Two skeletons.
(4, 5) Empty.

(6, 7) Destroyed by treasure-seekers in the absence of the
explorer : the debris that they left included fragments of
a decorated urn, and a flint knife.

(8) Several bones.

The skeletons were apparently crouched (Mr. Wake-
man asserts that the bodies must have been dismem-
bered to fit them into the cists). There is an account
of the bones, by another writer, included in Mr. Wake-
man's paper, which perversely succeeds in evading
almost every detail of importance.

A similar earn, with a central cist of large size and
a series of marginal cists at Beithigh, Co. Fermanagh,
not far from the earn with radiating limbs described
above. The description of this structure2 states that
the cists were apparently eight in number, but the
accompanying illustration — a very bad one — shows
at least thirteen.

Another multiple interment, from Diseart, Co.

1 Remarks on the exploration of a pre-historic earn near Trillick,
Co. Tyrone, JRSAI, xi, 579.
2JRSAI, xvi, 169.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 351

Westmeath, is described (unusually well) by Mr. D.
Kelly.1 This was an earthen tumulus on oval base,
in which were two cists. That to the west contained
an unburnt skeleton, between 5 ft. 8 ins. and 5 ft.
10 ins. in stature, and dolichocephalic skull : around
and about it were calcined bones, including that of
a youth of about twelve years. The burnt bones on
the cover-slab of this cist were covered with another
slab. The eastern cist contained the skeleton of a
br achy cephalic aged man. There was an urn, empty
except for infiltrated earth, in the first cist, and some
animal teeth : otherwise there were no other deposits.
The essential points of this important interment
are —

(1) The burial of persons of different race (query, a foreign

servant or attendant with the native chieftain). The
younger dolichocephalic (and therefore native) man was
probably the more important of the two, and he was
accordingly provided with an urn.

(2) Burial inside the cists, burning outside. The burnt bodies

may have been those of sacrificed attendants : but this
would be a direct contrast to the Loch Riabhach interment
described above, where the important person is burnt,
the servant buried. We must, however, remember that
the Bronze Age was of considerable length, and that a
custom practised in one part of the country, or at one
period of the Bronze Age, may easily have been the exact
reverse of a custom in another part of the country, or at
a different period of the Bronze Age.

XIV. [B. i] : Cave Burial.— We now come to
speak of cave burials. Natural caves are sometimes
used for the purpose, but cases of this are very un-
common. Vallancey reports some cases in the
neighbourhood of Teach Lorcain, Co. Dublin :2 he
says : " several urns were found in small natural caves
between the rocks of Stillorgan, near Dublin. There
were no tumuli over them, but the cave covered with

1 D. Kelly, On the opening of a Tumulus at Dysart, Co. Wesi-
meath, JRSAI, xiv, 178.

2 Collectanea, vol. vi, p. 304.

352 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

a large flag." Nothing more is known of this discovery,
The urns, according to Vallancey, were in the Museum
of the Royal Dublin Society.

In the cave of Cnoc Ninnidh, near Inis Ceithlinn,
was found an urn-burial of two persons, a man and
(probably) a woman.

[B. 2] : Artificial cave burials. — This is a com-
moner and more interesting mode of cave-burial. To
this class belong the most imposing sepulchres that
have come down to us from Ancient Ireland.

The cave may be beneath the surface of the ground,
though this (in Pre-Celtic Ireland) is less frequently
so than above the surface. One of the best examples
is the remarkable burial chamber discovered in 1858
at Baile na hAite, near the Giant's Ring described in

ENTRANCE

FIG. 117 — CHAMBER AT BAILE NA hAiTE
1 PRIA, xv, 335.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 353

an earlier part of this chapter (fig. 117). Happily this
monument was found on the lands of an enlightened
farmer, who co-operated with the Belfast Natural
History and Philosophical Society in carefully explor-
ing it. From the description of this excavation1 the
following particulars are borrowed.

The chamber was in a field almost adjoining the
Giant's Ring on the north side. It was constructed
underground, circular on plan, and 7 ft. in diameter,
with a wall of large irregular stones 2 or 3 feet long
surrounding it. These inclined inward considerably,
their interstices being closely wedged up with sharp
fragments of stone. This wall was about 2 feet high,
and the structure was covered with large quarried
flagstones resting on the wall and gradually projecting
towards its centre, secured where necessary by pinning
up with thin stones. The chamber was 3 feet high
in the centre, and the top of the uppermost covering
slab was 2 feet under the surface of the ground. The
floor was paved with flagstones.

In the centre of the chamber was an upright pillar-
stone, supposed by the writer in the Ulster Journal
to have been a prop supporting the roof. It is more
probable that it had a religious significance. Similar
pillar-stones were found in the inner chambers at
New Grange and in the principal burial earn chamber
at Ceathramhadh Caol.2 Most likely it was a rude
representation of some deity of the dead, like the
famous sculptured drums of chalk found at Folkton
in Yorkshire. The writer in the Ulster Journal says
that this stone was " about 3 feet high," but the scale
of his plan would make it only about half that length.
Probably the drawing is wrong.

Round the foot of the Ceathramhadh Caol pillar

1 UJA I, iii, 358. The account is anonymous, but probably
written by Robert MacAdam.

2 For the stone in the New Grange see the plan in Molyneux's
Danish Forts, here reproduced, fig. 119; for Ceathramhadh Caol
see the RIA report already referred to, page 326, and accompany-
ing illustrations.

Z

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 355

there were deposited a number of rounded water-worn
stones, about a foot or so in length (fig. 118). Though
they were not worked in any way there can be little
doubt that these were sacred stones, probably baetyls —
i.e.j as it were, receptacles of sanctity ; " hand-idols,"
as they may be loosely called, adapting an Irish term.
Precisely similar stones were found inside New Grange
when it was first opened in 1699 (fig. 119).

To the east of the chamber at Baile na hAite a space
was left open, apparently as an entrance to the cham-
ber : the rest of the circumference was occupied with
a series of compartments, marked off from each other
and from the central space by slabs on end, about
one foot high. There were six of these compartments.
The first two (A and B) contained three urns of burnt
clay filled with burnt bones ; they were rudely orna-
mented and much disintegrated, so that fragments
only could be preserved. No illustration of these urns
or fragments seems to be forthcoming. A fourth urn
had stood at the end of B nearest; to C, but it had
rotted away to a mere shapeless pile of earth. Com-
partment C was empty. Compartment D contained
a few burnt and some unburnt bones, including five
skulls : it is noteworthy that they were deposited in
sand quite different from the material in which the
urns were lying. Part of the pelvis of a small cow,
as well as a few fragments of unburnt sheep and goat
bones were also found here. Compartments E and F
contained " large quantities of burnt bones divided into
several parcels by thin stones." There were no im-
plements or ornaments of any kind in the chamber,
and no markings on the stones.

In some respects the excavation of this structure,
though better than the disgraceful attempt commented
upon in a previous page, is not very satisfactory. The
construction of the walls and roof of the chamber
should have been made clearer by measured sections,
which are withheld. There are no illustrations of the
pottery. Measurements and particulars of the skulls
are given, but the other bones do not seem to have

FIG. 119 — MOLYNEUX'S PLAN OF NEW GRANGE, SHEWING
STANDING STONE AND BAETYLS

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 357

been properly examined. It cannot be said too often,
as emphatically as possible, that anyone likely to be
troubled with false sentimentality (miscalled " rever-
ence ") about the proper scientific examination of
human bones should realise at once that archaeology
is not for him ; he had far better turn his attention
to collecting postage-stamps, a field in which he will
do quite as much good, and far less harm. The
solution of difficult problems of racial affinity depends
entirely upon the collection of as large a body as pos-
sible of measurements of living persons and of ancient
bones.

Reading the account of the Baile na hAite burial
chamber side by side with that of the earns at Ceath-
ramhadh Caol, we are struck with a series of resem-
blances. We are evidently in the presence of relics
of one and the same burial ritual. These resemblances
can be set forth thus —

(1) The construction of a burial chamber with a roof formed

of oversailing slabs, and with burial compartments con-
structed at the foot of the wall.

(2) The mixture of burnt and unburnt interments.

(3) The occasional deposition of the burnt ashes in urns.

(4) The disposal of burnt bones, not contained in urns, in

parcels upon thin slabs of stone.

(5) The presence of animal bones, probably remains of food-

offerings.

(6) A sacred standing stone in the middle of the chamber.

(7) The absence of deposits of intrinsic value. At Ceathramh-

adh Caol there were a number of bone pins and similar
objects mingled with the human bones. . Had the bones
from Baile na hAite been properly examined, it is more
than probable that similar objects would have been
detected.

The land surrounding the Giants' Ring seems to
have been the site of an important cemetery, doubtless
attracted to the place by that great central sanctuary.
The farmer told the explorers that on previous occa-
sions he had dug up ancient interments on the same
and the adjoining fields. There was no external indi-
cation of the interments. It is heartbreaking to read
that many cartloads of human bones had been dug up

358 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

and lost. On the site of the dwelling-house, which
is not far off, there had been a mound which was
removed when the house was built : it contained
several " short stone coffins " in which were urns and
burnt bones. Similar " coffins "—stone cists, to be
exact — were found in several parts of the same field,
all formed of stone slabs, with a slab at the bottom and
another at the top. These in most cases contained
urns. Another mound on being opened contained
" three very large stones placed on end, sloping to
each other at the top," under which were an urn and
small bones. Similar remains, including at least one
artificial chamber resembling that above described,
had been found on an adjoining farm.

The only antiquities found were flint arrow-heads,
celts, hammerstones, and " four rings of black light
structure like jet, the largest about four inches in
diameter and the other three smaller, the whole of
them fitting exactly within one another, so that when
thus placed they were like a circular grooved disc."

Another find of a burial urn in an artificial structure
is described in the same journal,1 by an evidently
inexpert writer, who, to make matters worse, is writing
from a memory of thirty years back. The discovery
had been made in 1825. The urn was " of a dark
coarse clay, rudely ornamented and crumbling into
fragments," and contained ashes. It was covered " by
a solid stone arch [!] or dome, made of stones about
five or six inches in width ; the * arch,' which was
about four or five feet in diameter,2 was formed so
firmly and each stone wedged in so skilfully among the
others that it was necessary to use a crowbar to de-
molish it." A stone celt and a flint arrow-head were
found under the dome. Whatever this structure may
have been it certainly was neither an arch nor a dome,
and we can only guess that it was in some way com-
parable with the Baile na hAite chamber above
described.

1 I, iv, p. 270.

2 From which it follows that the component stones must have
been considerably larger than the writer's recollection of them.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 359

Lastly we come to burial in artificial caves over-
ground. In such cases the construction is as follows :
a dolmen-like chamber was formed, and over it was
heaped a mound of stones, of earth, or of earth
mixed with stones. The walls of the chamber are
either built up of small stones, or formed with rows
of long upright monoliths : in some (notably New
Grange) there is a mongrel form in which the weight
of the roof is supported by walls of small stones, and
these are masked by monoliths which add to the
decorative and imposing effect of the chamber, and
act as retaining stones. The chamber is usually
cruciform, side cells for the reception of the burials
being formed all round ; the cross is completed by
the entrance passage. But the cruciform plan is not
the only one. At Ceathramhadh Caol one of the earns
contained two chambers, one behind the other, with
a narrow doorway between them ; and at Eanach
Chloiche Mhuilinn, Co. Armagh, a most important
burial structure of this class, described by Vallancey,1
Betham,2 and some others of the older writers, but
now entirely destroyed, there were three chambers in
a row. At Dubhadh the chamber is of irregular plan-
Whatever the plan of the chamber, the roof was formed
with great slabs of stone, gradually oversailing till
they met in the middle. The burials were in com-
partments of the kind which we have already seen at
Baile na hAite, or else in flat shallow stone sarcophagi,
of which examples remain at New Grange and at
Dubhadh. This central chamber is technically called
the tholos.

An entrance passage, called the dromos, gives access
to the tholos. This is usually straight, though in one
of the Ceathramhadh Caol earns it is tortuous. Other
earns which have been examined and found to contain
similar deposits are those on two Fermanagh moun-
tains (Toppid and Beal Mor), We may refer the

1 Collectanea, vol. v, p. 461.

2 Etruria Celtica, vol. i, p. 173.

360 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

reader to the published reports of these excavations.1
And it is highly probable that similar chambers exist
in such structures as the great earn of Cnoc na Riaghadh
(fig. 120), popularly associated, under the name
Meascan Mheidhbhe, with the termagant queen of
Connacht. This stone heap, which is doubtless much
older than the time to which Meadhbh is traditionally
assigned, dominates the greater part of Co. Sligo.
In 1779, according to an unnamed writer quoted by
Col. Wood Martin,2 it was 650 ft. in circumference at
the base ; the present basal circumference is given at

FlG. 120— CNOC NA RlAGHADH

590 feet, and its height 34-25 feet. I have made a very
rough calculation from the measurements supplied,
merely for the purpose of getting a general idea of
the weight of stones in this monument. The figure
resulting was rather over forty thousand tons. There
are several other great earns in the county : one fine
example at Heapstown, also in Co. Sligo, is worth
passing mention.

The cemetery on the hills of Loch Craoibhe, near
Oldcastle, Co. Meath, consists of a series of earns
with burial chambers, resembling those at Ceathramh-
adh Caol, but rather larger and more extensive.

1 JRSAI, xviii, p. 83.
2PRIA, xx, 651, 659.

IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES 361

They have the additional interest that the stones of
the principal chambers are decorated with sculptured
symbols (fig. 121). The site was first brought to
notice by E. A. Conwell, in a paper communicated to
the Royal Irish Academy in 1864 ; and in a later paper1
will be found a plan and illustrations of some of the
earns and the sculptures. Further illustrations have
been published elsewhere.2 But the cemetery still
awaits an exhaustive monograph.

FIG. 121 — BURIAL CHAMBER AT LOCH CRAOIBHE

The most important of the series of mounds in this
site is that lettered T in Conwell's plan, absurdly
identified by him as the tomb of the legendary law-
giver, Ollamh Fodhla. It is a conical mound of stones

1 E. A.'" Conwell, On the Identification of the Ancient Cemetery
at Loughcrew, Co. Meath, and the discovery of the Tomb of Ollamh
Fodhla. PRIA, xv, 72.

2 Especially W. Frazer, Notes on Incised Sculpturing* on Stones
in the Cairns of Sliabh-na-Calliaghe .... with Illustrations frcm
a series of Ground Plans and Water-colour Sketches, by the late
G. V. DuNoyer. Proceedings Soc. Antiq., Scotland, xxvii, p. 294.
See also G. Coffey, New Grange and other Incised Tumuli in Ireland.

362 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

115 ft. 6 ins. in diameter and some 30 ft. high, sur-
rounded with a heap of stones. One of these stones,
on the north side of the mound, is a large block 10 ft.
broad, 6 ft. high, and 2 ft. thick, worked on its upper
surface to the semblance of a chair : it is known locally
as " the Hag's Chair." This stone is carved with
engraved symbols of the same character as those in
the chambers. The interior chamber of this earn is
of the normal form — a short dromos, leading to a
tholos with three burial chambers radiating out from
it, so that the whole is cruciform on plan.

Yet more extensive is the great cemetery of Brugh
na Boinne, which extends along the left hand of the
river Boinn, near Droichead Atha. This collection
of monuments constant tradition associates with the
kings who ruled in Teamhair : and it is highly probable
that the tradition is correct, so far as the Bronze
Age is concerned : for the monuments are probably
exclusively of that period.

The cemetery includes tumuli large and small,
stone circles, standing stones, and ring-forts (probably
sepulchral enclosures) : one of the last named is of
great size. These are scattered over an area nearly
three miles long and about a mile broad. Though
the principal monuments have been well described
many times, a complete monograph in this cemetery
is still lacking.

Three mounds in this series have absorbed most of
the interest of archaeologists ; New Grange, Dubh-
adh, and Cnoghbha. Of these the colossal monu-
ment known as New Grange is by far the most
important, not merely in the Brugh cemetery, but in
the whole of Ireland.

This structure is a mound of earth and stones,
covering an area of about two acres. It is surrounded
by a kerb of huge slabs, end to end : three are exposed
and are seen to bear ornament ; probably all of them
are decorated. An opening gives access to the dromos,
which is 44 feet long ; this leads to a tholos with three
side chambers, the overall measurements being 18 ft.

. - X

% ri ^\

FIG. 122 — PLAN AND SECTION OF NEW GRANGE

364 IRELAND IN PRE-CELTIC TIMES

by 21 ft. : the maximum height of the tholos is 19 ft.
6 ins. The walls of the dromos, the tholos, and the
side chambers are lined with great slabs of stone,
elaborately decorated with figures from the " alphabet
of symbolic ornament " described in Chap. VII. Great
slabs in the side chambers mark the places where the
burial deposits had been made : one of these has in
recent years been rather, foolishly transported to the
middle of the tholos, where it occupies the place of
the now vanished standing stone that originally stood
there. Another standing stone once was erected on
the top of the mound ; and a ring of standing stones
girdles it, fencing in the ground on which it stands.1
There is not, north of the Alps, a relic of antiquity
more impressive than this mound, which for perhaps
nearly four thousand years has handed down from
generation to generation the memory of Oenghus of
the Brugh. Even Stonehenge, though to the eye more
imposing, is second in interest to New Grange. For
Stonehenge is dead. The colossal stones stand where
the builders left them, and we ask in vain the whence
and the wherefore of their existence. But New Grange
is still alive with memories and traditions. We know
why it was erected ; it was the grave-sanctuary of a
great bronze-age hero, whose name probably was
something like Oenghus, who was deified after his
death, and continued to be worshipped in Ireland
at least, till the fifth or sixth century of the Christian
era. We know something — not so much as we should
wish, but still something — of the builders of the
mound. They have endeavoured to trace in barbaric
hieroglyphs a record of their attitude towards the
unseen powers which they dreaded ; and though the
story is not yet fully unravelled, a good beginning
has been made.

1 For numerous illustrations of New Grange, outside and inside,
and of the sculpture with which it is decorated, see G. Coffey,
New Grange (Brugh na Boinne) and other Incised Tumult in Ireland.
Dublin, 1912.

INDEX

(A few place-names, accidentally mis-written in the text, have been
tacitly corrected in the Index.)

Abercromby, Lord, 201, 202, 207,
214.

Achadh Bolog (Aghabullog, Co.
Cork), 187, 188.

Achadh Greine (Aughgraney, Co.
Wicklow), 294.

Adamstown, Co. Westmeath, 344.

Aeneolithic Age, 127.

Ages of Civilisation, 20.

Aghabullog, see Achadh Bolog.

Aghacarrible, see Ath an Charbaid.

Ailche Adhartha, 301.

Ailesbury Road, skulls from, 34, 40.

Airthear Maighe (Armoy, Co.
Antrim), 169, 174.

Alignments, 303.

Allee Couverte, 328.

Alloying of metals, 121.

Alphabet of Bronze-age symbolism,
221 ff.

Alpine Race, 33, 37, 49.

Amber, 116, 190, 191, 342.

Ancylus Lake, 54.

Anderson, J., x, 346.

Animals cult of, 286, 289 ; found
in sandhill sites, 71.

Annesborough, Co. Armagh, 131,
150.

Antediluvian Inhabitants of Ire-
land, 27.

Anvil stones, 98 ; goldsmiths', 170.

Aonghus, see Oenghus.

Ara M6r (Great Aran Island, Co.
Galway), 38, 260, 264 ; forts of,
268 ff.

Archaeology in Early Irish Litera-
ture, i.

Archambault, M., 232.

Archers' wrist-guards, 135.

Ard Oilcan (High Island, Co.
Galway), 261.

Aricia, Rex Nemorensis of, 292.

Armoy, see Airthear Maighe.
Armstrong, E. C.R., 103, 104, 117,

120, 177, 180, 181, 186, 187.
Arreton Down Dagger, 144, 156.
Arrowheads, alleged use of by

Normans, 108 ; bronze, 107';

flint, 95 f.
Asia, brachycephalic immigrants

from, 62.

Assemblies, 289, 290.
Ath an Charbaid (Aghacarrible,

Co. Kerry), 227, 229.
Aughgraney, see Achadh Greine.
Auk, Great, 72.
Australians, kinship among, 240 ;

totemism among, 249.
Awls, flint, 88.

Axe, cult of, 154, 287 ; kitchen-
midden, 61 ; sculptured figures

of, 232.
Azilian civilisation, 59, 60.

Baetyls, 354, 355.

Baile an Bhoineannaigh (Bally-

bunnian, Co. Kerry), 258, 315.
Baile an Chaisleain (Ballycastle,

Co. Antrim), 62.
Baile an Choillin (Ballykillen,

King's County), 96.
Baile an Ridire (Ballyrudder, Co.

Antrim), early flints from, 53.
Baile an Tuaidh (Ballintoy, Co.

Antrim), 329.
Baile Biadhtaigh (Ballybetagh, Co.

Dublin), elk-bones from, 56.
Baile Cloise (Ballyclosh, Co. An-
trim), no.
Baile Cruaidh (Ballycroy, Co.

Mayo), 38.
Baile Meadhonach (Ballymoney,

Co. Antrim) burial at, 363.

366

INDEX

Baile na hAite (Ballynahatty, Co.
Down), Giants' Ring and inter-
ments at, 36, 231, 352, 355, 357,
358-

Baile na mBaintreabhach (Bally-
namintra, Co. Waterford), cave
at, 57, 76 ; bear bones from, 58.

Baile na nEas (Ballynanass, Co.
Donegal), 72.

Baile na Martra (Castlemartyr, Co.
Cork), 186, 1 88.

Balla Hill, see Beal-atha.

Ballintoy, see Baile an Tuaidh.

Balloo, see Cuan Bhaile Lugha.

Bally betagh, see Baile Biadhtaigh.

Ballybunnian, see Baile an Bhoin-
eannaigh.

Ballycastle, see Baile an Chaisleain.

Ballyclosh, see Baile Cloise.

Ballycroy, see Baile Cruaidh.

Ballykillen, see Baile an Choillin.

Ballynahatty, see Baile na hAite.

Ballynamintra, see Baile na mBain-
treabhach.

Ballynanass, see Baile na nEas.

Ballyrizard (sic), copper-mines at,
122.

Ballyrudder, see Baile an Ridire.

Banna (Bann River), 78, 86, 88.

Bannow Bay, see Cuan an Bhainbh.

Barr an Chorrain (Barachaurin, Co.
Cork), 304.

Barr Fhionntamhnaigh (Barr of
Fintona), Co. Tyrone, 350.

Barrow, see Bearbha.

Basque, 253.

Beacon-fire, 339.

Beads, 338 ; from sandhills, 100 ;
gold, 187, 188.

Beakers, 201.

Beal-atha Hill (Balla Hill, Co.
Antrim), tumulus at, 341.

Bealick, 326.

Beal Mor (Belmore, Co. Ferma-
nagh), 359.

Bear in Ireland, 58.

Bearbha (Barrow River), 320.

Beauty, standards of, 41.

Bedawin, kinship among, 239.

Beddoe, J., 31, 37, 38.

Bede, Venerable, 242.

Beehive huts, 259.

Behy, see Beitheach.

Beinn Ghulbain (Benbulbin, Co.
Sligo), 288.

Beitheach (Behy, Co. Fermanagh),
350.

Belfast, urns discovered in, 333.

Belmore, see Beal Mor.

Benbulbin, see Beinn Ghulbain.

Bennett, E. F. J., 53.

Bernard, W., 265.

Betham, Sir W., 8, 359.

Biorra (Birr, King's Co.), 139, 191.

Bishop, A. H., 61.

Black line in shore sites, 257.

Black Pig, 290.

Boar of Beinn Ghulbain, 290; Wild,
in Ireland, 57.

Bograch (Boggeragh Mountains,
Co. Cork), 320.

Boinn (Boyne River), 86, 320.

Boireann (Burren, Co. Clare), 321.

Bone objects from sandhills, 100.

Book antiquaries, 2.

Book of Leinster, ethnological data
from, 42, 45 f.

Borers, flint, 8.

Borlase, W. C., 15, 319, 329.

Boxes for holding lunulae, 143.

Boyne, see Boinn.

Bracelets, gold, 188.

Bracers, see Archers' wrist-guards.

Brachycephalic, 32.

Brachycephaly in Ireland, date and
origin of, 37.

Brash, R. R., 187.

Breuil, Abbe, 220, 223.

Brewis, W. P., 146.

Brigantia, 265.

Broad-face, description in MSS.,
meaning of, 48.

Bronze Age, in • divisions of, 22 ;
immigrants in England, 117 ; in
Ireland, 23 ; pottery of, charac-
teristics of, 196 ff ; stone imple-
ments in, 107.

Bronze-casters' hoards, 131.

Bronze, invention of, 115.

Broughderg, see Brugh Dearg.

Browne, Dr. C., 38, 40.

Brugh Dearg (Broughderg, Co.
Tyrone), burial at, 337.

Brugh na B6inne, Co. Meath
(Boyne Cemetery), 225, 287, 362.
See also New Grange.

Buick, Rev. G. R., 108, 197, 201.

Bulb of Percussion, 83.

Bull of Cualgne, 289.

Bull-roarer, 232, 299.

Burial, in Bronze Age, 331 ; in
Stone Age, 312.

Burkitt, M. C., 226.

Burren, see Boireann.

Butmir, spiral motive at, 219.

Cabhan Ceathramhadha (Cavan-

carragh, Co. Fermanagh), 304.
Cahermore, see Cathair Mhor.
Caiseal (Cashel, Co. Armagh), 191.

INDEX

367

Caiseal Dearg (Castlederg, Co.

Tyrone), 324.
Caiseal Mumhan (Cashel, Co. Tip-

perary), 26.

Campigny and its culture, 60.
Cannibalism, 311.
Cappagh, see Ceapach.
Carn Fhiachach (Carnfeehy, Co.

Westmeath) , 343.
Carna, Co. Mayo, 38.
Carraig Fhearguis (Carrickfergus,

Co. Antrim), 341.
Carraig Sionainne (Carrick-on-

Shannon, Co. Leitrim), 184.
Carrowkeel, see Ceathramhadh

Caol.
Carrowmore, see Ceathramhadh

Mor.

Cashel, see Caiseal.
Castle Archdale, Co. Fermanagh,

226.

Castlemartyr, see Baile na Martra.
Cat worship, 290.
Cathair Mhor (Cahermore, Co. Cork),

156.
Cathair Muc-shnaimh (Moghane

Fort, Co. Clare), 180.
Cauldrons, 170.
Caulfield, Dr., 122.
Cave burial, 351.
Ceall Airneach (Killarney, Co.

Kerry), 122.
Ceall Bhronaigh (Kilbroney, Co.

Mayo), 336.
Ceall Roid [or Ruadh] (Kilroot, Co.

Antrim), 67.
Ceall Tighearnain (Kiltiernan, Co.

Dublin), 326, 327.
Ceannanus (Kells, Co. Meath),

alleged corral at, 56.
Ceapach (Cappagh, Co. Waterford),

76.
Ceathramhadh Caol (Carrowkeel,

Co. Sligo), 37, 41, 58, 231, 261,

310, 345, 353, 357, 359, 360..
Ceathramhadh M6r (Carrowmore,

Co. Sligo), 329.
Celt, Bronze, evolution of, 124 ;

Copper, 129.

Celtiberian inscriptions, 254.
Celts, raised beach, 84 ; stone,

101 ff.

Cemeteries, 289.
Cenotaphs, 310.
Cephalic index, 31.
Ceremonial axe-heads, 103, 106.
Cesair, 27.
Chapes, 162.
Chert, 80.
Cheval-de-frise, 269, 275.

Chinese objects found in Ireland,

23-

Chisel axes, 84.
Chisels, 170.
Choppers, 99.
Christianity, 24.
Chronology of Bronze Age, 123,

193 ; of civilisation, 20.
Cinead mac Ailpin, 243.
Cinead mac Maeil-Choluim, 242.
Cinerary urns, 201, 209.
Circles, stone, 293.
Cist burial,. 336.
Civilisation in Ireland, development

of, 19; of shore-dwellers, 64.
Clare find of gold ornaments, 119,

180.

Cliara (Clare Island, Co. Mayo), 38.
Clochan na Carraige, Ara Mor, 259 f .
Clochar (Clougher, Co. Tyrone),

302 f.

Clogan Oir, 13.
Clonbrin, see Cluain Bhrain.
Clonfert, see Cluain Fearta Bhrea-

nainn.
Clonfinlough, see Cluain Fionn-

locha.

Clonmacnois, see Cluain maccu Nois.
Clougher, see Clochar.
Clover Hill, see Cnoc na Seamar.
Cluain Bhrain (Clonbrin, Co. Long-
ford), shield from, 171.
Cluain Fearta Bhreanainn (Clon-
fert, King's County), 26.
Cluain Fionn-locha (Clonfinlough,

King's County), sculptured stone

at, 223 f, 231.
Cluain maccu Nois (Clonmacnois,

King's County), 120.
Cnoc Bhaine (Knockmany, Co.

Tyrone), 227, 345.
Cnoc Maraidhe (Knockmaree, Co.

Dublin), 313.
Cnoc na Riaghadh (Knocknarea,

Co. Sligo), 360.
Cnoc na Seamar (Clover Hill, Co.

Sligo), 227, 231.
Cnoc Ninnidh (Knockninny, Co.

Fermanagh), 352.
Cnoghbha (Knowth, Co. Meath),

225, 287, 362.
Coffey, G., 15, 66, 82, 84, 139, 140,

141, 157, 159, 164, 191, 226, 335.

361, 364-
Coill na Madaidh (Killymaddy, Co.

Antrim), 164.
Coill ui Cearnaigh (Killicarney, Co.

Cavan), 344.
Coillidhe Bacaigh (Cullybackey, Co.

Antrim), burials at, 334.

368

INDEX

Coir Anmann, 290.
Colgan. 2.

Coloration, 31 ; in Ireland, 41, 48.
Coloured decoration, 220.
Colouring matter found at White-
park Bay, 100.
Colum Cille, 253.
Comerford Bowl, 188.
Commerce between Ireland and

England in Bronze Age, 117.
Concentric circles, 234.
Cong, see Cunga.
Conwell, E. A., 360.
Coolbawn, see Cul Ban.
Coolmore, see Cul Mor.
Copper, 112.
Copper Age, 127, 129 ; in Ireland,

116.

Copper celts, 129.
Corco Dhuibhne (Corkaguiney, Co.

Kerry), 263, 288.
Cores, 82, 86.

Corkaguiney, see Corco Dhuibhne.
Cormac mac Airt, 24 ; description

of, 48.

Cormac's Chapel, 25.
Corn-spirit, 284, 291.
Cornwall, 133, 141, 142 ; tin trade

with, 116, 117.
Crann Liath, Co. Cork, 123.
Crannogs, 256.
Crawford, O. G. S., 141.
Creagan (Creggan, Co. Antrim),

335-

Cremation, 330.
Crete, 116, 154, 232 ; ornament in,

219.

Criteria of race, 31.
Croghan Kinshela, see Cruachan ui

Ceinsealaigh.

Croker, Crofton, 15, 186.
Cromlechs, see Dolmens.
Cromm Cruaich, 293.
Cros Domhnaigh (Crossdoney, Co.

Cavan), 143.
Crown, so-called, 188.
Cruachan ui Ceinsealaigh (Croghan

Kinshela, Co. Wicklow), gold in,

118.
Cuan an Bhainbh (Bannow Bay,

Co. Wexford), 228, 230, 231, 302.
Cuan Bhaile Lugha (Balloo Bay,

Co. Down), 71.
Cuan Diiin Droma (Dundrum Bay,

Co. Louth), 99 ; see also Dun

Droma.

Cu-Chulaind, ethnology of, 45, 48.
Cuilleann ua Cuanach (Bog of

Cullen, Co. Tipperary), gold

objects found in, 119 f., 143.

Ciil Ban (Coolbawn, Co. Antrim),

no.

Cullen, Bog of, see Cuilleann.
Cullybackey, see Coillidhe Bacaigh.
Ciil Mor (Coolmore, Co. Carlow),

106.
Cunga (Cong, Co. Galway), cross

of, 13.

Cup and circle symbols, 227, 232.
Cupped rings, 174, 181.
Curry, see O'Curry.
Curves of cranial indices, 35, 39.

Daerchlanna, 238.
Dagda, 266, 287.
Daggers, 166 ; flint, 92 ff ; socketed,

146; triangular, 132, 137.
Daingean ua Cuis (Dingle, Co.

Kerry), 305.
Dances, religious, 297.
Dawnsmaen, 298.
Day, R., 93, 122.
Dead, cult of, 286, 289.
Dechelette, J., 59, 123.
Deerpark, Co. Sligo, megalithic

monument in, 305 f.
Deisiol, 298.
Deniker, J., 41.
Deny, see Doire.
Deny car hoon, see Doire Ceath-

ramhan.

Dindsheanchas, 266, 295, 298.
Dingle, see Daingean.
Dio Cassius, 244.
Discs of Gold, 184.
Diseart (Dysert, Co. Westmeath) ,

350 f.
Distribution of lunulae, 141 ; of

dolmens, 318 ff.
Dog whelk, 72.
Doire Ceathramhan (Derrycarhoon,

Co. Cork), 123.
Doire (Deny), 264.
Dolichocephalic, 32.
Dolmens, 315 ff ; distribution of,

318 ff.

Domhnach Airgid, 13.
Domhnach Mor (Donoughmore, Co

Tyrone), skulls from, 36 ff.
Donegore, see Dun an Ghabhair.
Donoughmore, see Domhnach Mor.
Dowth, see Dubhadh.
Drills, bone, 100.
Droichead Atha (Drogheda, Co.

Louth), 109, 225.
Dromos, 359.
Druids, 307.
Druim Bo (Drumbo, Co. Down),

329-

INDEX

369

Druim na Coille (Drumnakilly, Co.

Tyrone), 338.
Dubhadh (Dowth, Co. Meath), 225,

287. 359, 362.
Dubh-ait (Doohat, Co. Fermanagh),

345, 346.

Dubhaltach mac Fir Bisigh, 2, 3.
Dubh-Chathair, Ara Mor, 269.
Duibhlinn (Dublin), Viking settle-
ments in, 25.
Dummy celts, 105.
Dun Aonghusa, Ara Mor, 264, 269,

271 ft.
Dun an Ghabhair (Donegore, Co.

Antrim), 196.
Dun Beag (Dunbeg Fort, Co.

Kerry), 278.
Dun Chonchobhair (Inis Meadhon-

ach, Ara), 276.
Dun Droma (Dundrum, Co. Louth),

-°°, 335 I see also Cuan Duin

Droma.

Dun Eochla, Ara Mor, 269.
Dun Eoghanachta, Ara Mor, 268.
Dun Fionnachaidh (Dunfanaghy,

Co. Donegal), 258.
Dun Garbhain (Dungarvan, Co.

Waterford), 76.
Du Noyer, G. V., 15, 361.
Dunraven, Lord, 15.
Dun Ruadh, Co. Tyrone, 348.

Eanach Chloiche Mhuillinn (An-
naghclochmullen, Co. Armagh),
359-

Earrings, gold, 187, 188.

Earth burial, 332.

Egypt, 114.

Elderbush Cave, Co. Clare, 58.

Electrum, 121.

Elk, Irish, 56.

Endogamy, 245.

Enniskillen, see Inis Ceithlinn.

Eoliths in Ireland, 53.

Ernai, 288.

Ethnological data in Irish MSS.,
42 if.

Evans, Sir J., 83, 117.

Evolution of bronze celt, 124.

Exchange, media of, 177.

Exogamy, 245.

Eyes, figures of, 234.

Fabricators, 98.

Factory sites, 74.

Fal, stone of, 300.

Fan-achadh (Fanahy, Co. Cork),

302.
Fearran Fuar (Farranfore, Co.

Kerry), 126.

Fearta, Co. Fermanagh, 311.

Fearta, Co. Galway, 335.

Ferguson, Sir S., 15, 326.

Fergusson, J., 318.

Ferrules, 15.

Fertility, deities of, 287.

Fibula, 174.

Field antiquaries, 2.

Figure subjects, tabu against repre-
sentations of, 204, 217.

Find mac Umhaill, 289.

Fir Bolg, 29, 268, 273.

First appearance of Man in Ireland,
date of, 52.

Fish-bones in midden-heaps, 72.

Fisher Street, Co. Clare, 75.

Flakes, flint, 82, 86, 87.

Flanged celt, 125, 135.

Flat celt, 124 ; in stone, 104, 132.

Flint, nature of, 79.

Flood legends, 27.

Folkton Moor, Yorkshire, limestone
drums from, 231, 353.

Fomhoraigh, 29.

Food-deposits in tombs, 309.

Food-vessels, 201, 202.

Forbes, N., xi.

Forests, sequence of, 55.

Fortifications, classification of, 255
f. ; date of Irish, 281 ; purpose
of, 280.

Four Masters, 2.

Frazer, Sir J. G., 173, 247.

Frazer, W., 34, 107, 361.

FrederikVII, King of Denmark, 12.

Future life, belief in, 308.

Gall-bhaile (Galbally, Co. Tyrone),
162.

Garmna (Garumna Island, Co.
Galway), 38.

Gates of Glory, 305.

Geide, 287.

Geoffrey of Monmouth, 298.

Ghosts, precautions against, 310,
329-

Giants' Ring, 36, 329, 352, 357.

Giraldus Cambrensis, 58, 108.

Gleann Arma (Glenarm, Co. An-
trim), 74.

Gleann Bhile (Glenville, Co. Down),

211.

Glenavy, see Lann Abhaigh.
Glenville, see Gleann Bhile.
Gods of strange countries, 63.
Golamh, 265.
Gold, 112, 118, 140.
Goldsmiths' tools, 170, 179.
Gorgets, 181, 182, 183.

INDEX

Gouges, 169.

Grainnse Mor (Grangemore, Co.

Derry), 89.
Grattan, J., 36.
Grave-goods, 309, 335, 339, 343,

358-

Graves, Bishop, 15.
Graves, Rev. J., 15.
Greencastle, Co. Tyrone, 302, 348.
Greenwell, Rev. Canon, 146.
Grianan Ailigh, 264.
Grindstones, 109.

Hacketstown, Co. Carlow, 106.

Haddon, A. C., 36, 37, 38, 40, 41.

Haematite, use of, 200.

Hafting of celts, 103, 125.

Hafts of daggers, 144.

Halberds, 137, 138, 139.

Hallissy, T., 117.

Hall, S. C., 123.

Hallstatt, 22.

Hammer-axes, 105, 132, 138.

Hammered copper tools, 112.

Hammers, goldsmiths', 170.

Hammers, stone, 109.

Hammer-stones, 97.

Hardman, E. T., 307.

Harpago found in Ireland, 23.

Hartland, E. S., 310.

Hasse, Rev. L., 200.

Head-shape, 31.

Hearths, 257 f.

Herodotus, 331.

Hervey Islands, 103, 107.

Hiatus between Palaeolithic and

Neolithic, 59.

High Island, see Ard Oilcan.
Holden, J. S., 333.
Hollow scrapers, 92.
Hollyfort, Co. Wexford, 279.
Hollywood, Co. Wicklow, 233 ;

stone circle at, 293.
Horned barrows, 345.
Horn objects from the sandhills,

100.

Horsehair, woven, 174
Houses, ancient, 258.
Howth, 326, 328.
Human sacrifice, 297.

Iberian peoples, 51.
Imaginary implements, 105.
Immolation at burials, 336, 340,

351-

Importance of Irish antiquities, 16.
Incense-cups, 201, 214, 337.
Inch, see Inis.

Inchageelagh, see Inis Geimhleach.

Incineration, 311.

Inhumation, 311.

Inis (Inch, Co. Kerry), 75.

Inis B6 Finne (Inishbofin Island,

Co. Mayo), 36, 38, 40.
Inis Ce (Iniskea, Co. Mayo), 38.
Inis Ceithlinn (Enniskillen, Co.

Fermanagh), 159, 311.
Inis Earca (Inishark, Co. Mayo), 38.
Inis Geimhleach (Inchageelagh, Co.

Cork), 179.
Inishkea, see Inis Ce.
Inis Muiredhaigh (Inismurray, Co.

Sligo), 299.
Inis Tuirc (Inishturk, Co. Galway),

38.
Iron Age, divisions of, 22 ; in

Ireland, 23.

Irusan mac Arusain, 290.
Ith, 265.
lubhar Chinn Tragha (Newry, Co.

Down), 211.
Iveagh, Lord, 151.

aravallen, 60.

avelin-heads, flint, 95 f.

et, 190 ff, 337.
Johnson, E., 179, 180.
Joyce, P. W., ix, 15, 317.

Kanestown, 92.

Keating, 2.

Kells, see Ceannanus.

Kelly, D., 351.

Kennedy, P., 15.

Kilbroney, see Ceall Bhronaigh.

Killarney, see Ceall Airneach.

Killicarney, see Coill ui Cearnaigh.

Killymaddy, see Coill na Madaidh.

Kilmartin, 304.

Kilroot, see Ceall Roid (or Ruadh).

Kiltiernan, see Ceall Tighearnain.

King worship, 291.

Kinship, methods of reckoning, 240.

Knives, flint, 92 ; leather-cutters',

170.

Knockmany, see Cnoc Bhaine.
Knockmaree, see Cnoc Maraidhe.
Knocknarea, see Cnoc na Riaghadh.
Knockninny, see Cnoc Ninnidh.
Knowles, W. J., 53, 65, 70, 73, 74,

84, 89, 92, 98, 99, 103, 109, 200.
Knowth, see Cnoghbha.
Kokkenmoddinger, 61.

Labraid, legend of King,
Labyrinth, 298.

INDEX

Labyrinthine pattern, 232.

Lagan River, 74.

Lake-dwellings, 256.

Land-oscillations, 54.

Lang, Andrew, 284, 286.

Lann Abhaigh (Glenavy, Co.

Antrim), 332.
Larcom, Sir Thomas, 9.
Larne, see Latharna.
La Tene, 22, 157.
Latharna (Larne, Co. Antrim), 53,

59, 62, 64 ff, 82, 84, 85, 195.
Lattoon, see Leath-t6n.
Lawlor, H. C., 105.
Lay town, Co. Meath, 109.
Leabhar na hUidhre, ethnological

data from, 42, 43.
Leac an Scail, 328.
Leac Con mic Ruis, Deerpark; Co.

Sligo, 305 f.
Leanan (Lennon, Co. Monaghan),

324-

Leather case for palstave, 126.
Leather-cutters' knives, 170.
Leath-ton (Lattoon, Co. Cavan),

185, 186.
Ledwich, E., 6.

Legananny, see Liag an Eanaigh.
Leitir Muilinn (Lettermullan Island,

Galway), 38.
Lhuyd, E., 3.
Liag an Eanaigh (Legananny, Co.

Down), dolmen, 316, 317.
Life, region of, 120.
Liffey River, see Ruirtheach.
Lindsay of Luachra, 344.
Liosan (Lissane, Co. Derry), rapier

from, 159.
Littorina Sea, 54.
Loch Arbhach (Loch Arrow, Co.

Sligo), 261.
Loch Con (Loch Conn, Co. Mayo),

320.

Loch Corrib, see Loch Oirbsean.
Loch Craoibhe (Lochcrew, Co.

Meath), 220, 225, 234, 311, 360.
Loch Deirgdhearc (Loch Derg), 320.
Loch Earna (Loch Erne, Co. Fer-
managh), 320.
Loch Gair (Loch Gur, Co. Limerick),

104, 107, 171, 189, 190, 300.
Loch Measca (Loch Mask, Co.

Mayo), 320.
Loch Muine (Lochmoney, Co.

Down), 326.
Loch Oirbsean (Loch Corrib, Co.

Galway), 320.
Loch Riabhach (Lochrea, Co.

Galway), 335.
Loch Suiligh (Loch Swilly), 265.

Loiguire, King, 348.

Long barrows, 315.

Long Meg and her daughters, 297.

Long-stone Fort, 339.

Lough : for names beginning thus

see Loch.
Lug an Chuirin (Lugacurren,

Queen's County), burial at, 337.
Lunulae, 139, 140.

MacAdam, R., 353.

MacCullagh, Professor, 13.

Magh Cromdha (Macroom, Co.

Cork), 214, 326.
Magh bhFiadh (Movea, Co.

Donegal), 228.
Magh Sleacht, 293.
Magh Tuireadh (Mqytura), battle

of, 273.

Magic and religion, 292.
Maglemose, 60.
Mallets, 105.
Man, L. McC.( 61.

Manufacture of gold objects, 179.
Maol Chinn Tire (Mull of Cantire),

59, 62.

Marks sculptured on Dolmens, 324.
Marne, carvings in, 231.
Mas d'Azil, Le, 59.
Matriarchal organisation, 238 ;
succession, 240 ff.

Matriarchate, 277.

Mauls, 105.

Meascan Mheidhbhe, 360.

Mediterranean race, 33, 37, 40 ;
in Ireland, 237.

Melanochrous, 32.

Mesaticephalic, 32.

Metals, discovery of the nature of,
112.

Metopic patterns, 205.

Meyer, Kuno, 295.

Midden-heaps, 64.

Mil, children of, 30, 265.

Milesians, see Mil.

Mind, a diadem, 140.

Mines of copper, 121.

Mining, ancient, 123.

Miracles, 311.

Moghane, see Muc-shnamh and
Cathair Muc-shnaimh.

Molyneux, Sir T., 3, 353.

Money, 177.

Monogamous marriages, 238.

Montelius, Oscar, 162, 191, 258.

More, A. G., 157.

Moss-handle of flint flake, 88.

Mottes, 256.

Moulds, 130, 146, 148, 156, 163, 164.

372

INDEX

Mount Browne, Co. Carlow, 326,

328.

Mount Rivers, Co. Cork, 191.
Mount Stewart, Co. Down, 201, 346.
Mount Wilson, King's Co., skulls

from, 36.

Mounting of flakes, 88.
Movea, see Magh bhFiadh.
Muc-ros (Muckross, Co. Kerry), 123.
Muc-shnamh (Muckno, Co. Mon-

aghan), sword from, 159.
Muc-shnamh (Moghane Fort), 180,

276 f ; see also Cathair Muc-

shnaimh.
Muigh-inis (Mweenish, Co. Galway),

38.

Muillead (Mullet, Co. Mayo), 38.
Muilleann an Bhata (Mullinavat,

Co. Kilkenny), 328.
Muilleann Gearr (Mullingar, Co.

Westmeath), 343.
Muisire Beag (Musherabeg, Co.

Cork), 293.
Mull of Cantire, see Maol Chinn

Tire.

Miiller, F. Max, 283.
Mullet, see Muillead.
Mullinavat, see Muilleann an Bhata.
Mullingar, see Muilleann Gearr.
Multiple interments, 344, 346 f.
Mumha (Munster), 320.
Muscraighe (Muskerry, Co. Cork),

320.

Mweenish, see Muigh-inis.
Mythology, interpretation of, 283.

Nature, worship of powers of, 287.

Nayars, 244.

Needles, bone, 100.

Nemhedh, 29.

New Grange, 219, 231, 234, 287,

353, 355. 356, 359, 362 ff.
Newhall, Co. Clare, 58.
Newry, see lubhar Chinn Tragha.
Newtown, 143.
Nordic Race, 33, 40 ; in Ireland,

237-

Nostvet, 60.
Nutt, A., 295.

O'Curry, Eugene, ix, n.
O'Donovan, J., 8 ff, n, 326.
Odyssey, 310.
Oenghus, 274, 287 f, 364.
O'Laverty, Rev. J., 78.
Oldbridge, Co. Meath, burial at,

337 • Je^ necklace from, 193 ;

skeleton from, 36, 41.

Ordnance Survey, 9.

Origin of earliest colonists of Ire-
land, 58 f ; of metal culture, 114.

Ormeau Bridge, deposit at, 74.

Ornament, 217.

Ornamentation of celts, 135 ; of
food-vessels, 204 ; of lunulae,
140.

Oronsay, 61, 257.

Palstaves, 126, 143 ff.

Partholon, 29.

Patination, 84, 85.

Patriarchal organisation, 238.

Patrick, Saint, 293.

Penck and Bruckner, their chro-
nology, 195.

Penrith, Cumberland, 297.

Peopling of Ireland, the, 26.

Periods of Bronze Age, 127 ; of
civilisation, 21.

Petrie, G., 8, 12.

Phoenicians, 134.

Phoenix Park, skulls from, 36 ff,

4i, 3i3-

Pick, Campignian, 61, 84.
Pictish inscriptions, 253.
Picts, 50, 5 1 ; matriarchate among,

242.

Piette, Edouard, 59.
Pillar-stones, 340, 353.
Pin, bone, 100 ; ornamental, 174.
Piper's stones, 294.
Place-names, their treatment in

modern maps, x ff ; Pre-Celtic

words in, 252.
Plunkett, T., 311.
Pocock, Bishop, 343, 344.
Polished stone implements, 131.
Polygamous marriage, 238, 254 ;

in Britain, 244.
Port Gleanna Eoin (Portglenone,

Co. Antrim), 78.
Port na Claidhe (Portnacloy, Co.

Mayo), 38.
Port Ruis (Portrush, Co. Antrim),

67, 80, 84, 85.
Portstewart, Co. Deny, 84, 85, 99,

100, 197, 200, 257.
Pottery, 196; in sandhills, 71, 100.
Pre-Celtic language, 251 ff ; tribes

development of, 251.
Preservation of antiquities, 13.
Prickers, bone, 100.
Promontory forts, 277.
Ptolemy, 264.
Pygmy cups, 214.

Querns, 108 f.

INDEX

373

Race, definition of 30.

Raised beaches, 54 f., 64 ; mple-

ments of, 82.

Raith Bhile (Rathvilly, Co. Carlow),
% 106.

Raith Mheidhbhe, 263.
Rapiers, 158, 159, 166.
Rathvilly, see Raith Bhile.
Razors, 166.
Read, Sir C. H., 153.
Reeves, Bishop, 15.
Relation between ethnology and

legends of early colonists, 49.
Religion, comparative, 283.
Rhys, Sir J., 253, 284.
Ridgeway, Sir W., 330.
Ring-forts, 278.
Ring-money, 174.
Rings, 187 ; gold, 188 ; supersti-
tion against, 173, 188.
Rinn Tulaigh (Rinntulla, Co.

Limerick), 107.
Ripley, W. Z., 31, 263.
Rites, religious, 292.
River worship, 291.
Rock-scribings, 364.
Roman brooch found in Ireland,

131-

Romanesque architecture, 25.
Romans and Ireland, 24.
Roovesmore, see Ruadh Mor.
Ros na Beinne (Rosapenna, Co.

Donegal), 72.
Roth Ramhach, 300.
Round barrows, 315.
Royal Irish Academy, Museum of,

12 and passim.
Ruadh Mor (Roovesmore, Co. Cork),

329-

Rubbing-stones, 108 f.
Rudhraighe 6 Flaithbheartaigh, 2.
Ruirtheach River (Liffey), 121.

Sacrifice, 297.

Saddle-quern, 109.

Sandhill sites, 67 ff ; implements

from, 86 ff.
Saws, flint, 92, 93.
Scabbards, 162 ; bronze, 164.
Scairbh (Scarriff, Co. Clare), 93.
Scandinavia and Ireland, 16.
Scandinavian daggers, 92 ff ; race,

33 ; see also Nordic.
Scarriff, see Scairbh.
Sceilig Mhichil, 261.
Scouler, J., 57.
Scrapers, flint, 89 ff.
Seiseadh Coille Greine (Sess Kil-

green, Co. Tyrone), 226.

Sequence of forests, 55.

Serpents in Ireland, 27.

Sess Kilgreen, see Seiseadh Coille
Greine.

Setantii, 43.

Shafts of arrows, 96.

Shale " implements," 105.

Shannon River, see Sionann.

Shell-fish in midden sites, 72.

Shell-heap sites, 75.

Shields, 154, 171 ff.

Shore-dwellers, 64, 257.

Sickles, 165.

Silver, 121.

Simpson, W. J., 67.

Sinaitic Peninsula, 114.

Sionann (Shannon River), 320 ;
gold found near, 120.

Siret, MM., 231.

Siiir (Suir River), 320.

Skellig, see Sceilig.

Skene, W. F., 243.

Skulls, ancient, in Ireland, 34.

Sliabh Callainn (Slieve Callan, Co.
Clare), 326.

Sligeach (Sligo), 170.

Smith, E. A., 121.

Smith, Rev. F., 53.

Smith, R. A., 53, 184.

Social organisation, 236 ff.

Socketed celt, 127, 155, 165.

Socketed dagger, 146.

Socketed spearhead, 155, 156.

Socketed tools, method of manu-
facture, 148.

Solinus, 244.

Sollas, W. J., 59.

Spain, tin-trade with, 116; neo-
lithic carvings in, 223.

Spearheads, 167 ; so-called flint,
96; evolution of, I45ff.; looped,
15&> 157 ; socketed, 166.

Spencer and Gillen, 232, 234.

Spheres, gold, 183.

Spiral motive in ornament, 219.

Spirals, significance of, 234.

Spoon-shaped scrapers, 90, 92.

Staigue, see Steidhg.

Standards of weight, 177.

Standing stones, 301, 339.

Statue-menhirs, 302 f.

Stature in Ireland, 40, 41.

Steidhg (Staigue Fort, Co. Kerry),
264, 267.

Stephenson, S. M., 347.

Stillorgan, see Teach Lorcain.

Stokes, Margaret, 15.

Stokes, Whitley, 48.

Stone Age, divisions of, 21.

Stone Age in Ireland 22.

374

INDEX

Stone implements in the Bronze

Age, 107.
Stonehenge, 298.
Stop-ridge, 136.
Strabo, 244, 311.
Strangford Loch find, 151 fi.
Stratification, importance of, 77,

78.

Suir River, see Siiir.
Sullivan, W. K., 12.
Sun discs, 185.
Sun figures, 234.
Sun myths, 283 f.
Survey, archaeological, of Ireland,

10.

Swanston, T., 123.
Swords, 159, 1 66.
Symbolism, 217 f.

Trundholm Moss, sun-chariot from,

184.
Tuatha De Danann, 30, 50, 266,

273-
Tulach (Tulla, Co. Clare), mines

at, 122.
Tulach Craoibhe (Tullycreavy, Co.

Fermanagh), 311.
Tumuli, 340.
Types of celts, 103.
Tyre, shell-heaps at, 73.
Tyrian purple, 72.

Uchadan, 120.

Uisnech (Ushnagh, Co. Westmeath),

assembly of, 290.
Umhor, sons of, 273, 276.

Tabu against figure subjects 204,

217.
Tailltiu (Teltown, Co. Meath),

assembly of, 290.
Tamhlachta (Tallaght, Co. Dublin),

337-

Tara, see Teamhair.

Teach Lorcain (Stillorgan, Co.
Dublin), 351.

Teamhair (Tara, Co. Meath), exca-
vations at, 8 ; torques found at,
13 ; other references, 150, 157,
263, 277, 298, 300 ; assemblies
of, 290.

Tearmon Feichin, Co. Louth, 258.

Technique of stone carving, 220.

Teutonic race, 33 ; see also Nordic.

Thibet, 241.

Tholos, 359-

Thurnam, J., 37.

Tighearnmhas, 120, 121.

Tin, 115 ; trade in, 133.

Tlachtgha (Hill of Ward, Co.
Meath ?), 290.

Todd, Rev. J. H., 15, 181.

Tomb pottery, 201.

Toppid, Co. Fermanagh, 359.

Torques, 149.

Totemism, 246, 288 ; in Ireland,
250.

Towns, 263.

Trade, 116 methods of ancient,

Traigli Li (Tralee, Co. Kerry), 58,

?i-

Triangular dagger, 144.
Trilithon, 326.
Trumpets, 170.

Vallancey, Charles, 4, 23, 55, 120,
133, 140, 142, 177, 347, 351, 359.
Vessels of gold, 188.
Vikings, 25.
Village sites, 261 f.

Wakeman, W. F., 344, 350.

Wanderers, archaeological, 23.

Ware, Sir J., 2.

Well- worship, 291.

Westropp, T. J., 57, 180, 255, 264,

271, 275.
Whetstones, no.
Whitechurch, Co. Waterford, 72.
Whitepark Bay, Co. Antrim, 69 ff.,

84, 85, 99, 100, 197, 200, 201,

209, 258.

Wicklow, gold in, 118.
Wilde, Sir W., 14.
Williams, W., 57.
Windele, J., 15, 123, 187.
Windle, Sir B., 214, 300.
Winged celt, 127, 155.
Wolf in Ireland, the, 57.
Women, importance of, in early

legends, 29, 241 ff.
Wood-Martin, W. G., ix, 360.
Wrist-guards of archers, 135.
Wynne, Archdeacon, 313.

Xanthochrous, 32.

Yoldia Sea, 54.
Zimmer, H., 243 ff.

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